Mongolian Scientific and Research Institute for National Freedom
The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Mongolia
Ulaanbaatar 2018

The fall of Communism in the 1980s, leading to the Democratic Revolution in the 1990s, resulted in drastic changes in Mongolia’s societal perspective. Since that time, 28 years have passed, yet almost no difference can be seen between the written history of today and that of the past, when the whole of Mongolian society was driven by Soviet ideology. We are misinforming Mongolia’s post-Democracy generations, by passing along those written histories and literature, steeped as they are in this ideology.

Our book is written as a corrective to this situation; it presents Mongolia’s history during this period, without the influence of ideology because we believe Mongolians deserve to know their own path, to better understand their situation today. We have attempted to write a comprehensive history book with fresh eyes, based on scientific research evidence.

It is our fervent hope that the information contained herein will benefit everyone interested in the history of modern Mongolia

© Mongolian Scientific and Research Institute for National Freedom


Batsaikhan Ookhnoi, Lonjid Zorigtu, Enkhbat Chimeddorji, Baatar Sovdo, Amarsanaa Sukhbaatar

Batsaikhan Ookhnoi

Translated by
Amar Batsaikhan, Dashdulam Budsuren, Naranchimeg Jukov, Delgermaa Ganbat

Edited by
Roberta Lee Charpentier (USA)

Ulaanbaatar 2018

It is a great honor to write the preface of this book, which attends to the recent history of Mongolia. With this publication, the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) Mongolia follows the advice of its eponym, Konrad Adenauer, who viewed the examination of the past as a requirement to shape the future.

The first chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany’s name and principles are our guidelines, duty, and obligation. Established in 1955 as “Society for Christian-Democratic Civic Education”, the Foundation took on the name of the first Federal Chancellor in 1964. At home as well as abroad, our civic education programs aim at promoting freedom and liberty, peace, and justice. We focus on consolidating democracy, the unification of Europe and the strengthening of transatlantic relations, as well as on development cooperation.

Our offices abroad are in charge of over 200 projects in more than 120 countries. The foundation’s headquarters are situated in Sankt Augustin near Bonn, and also in Berlin. There, an additional conference center, named “The Academy”, was opened in 1998. In 1993, KAS established its office in Ulan Bator. To foster peace and freedom we encourage a continuous dialog at the national and international levels as well as the exchange between cultures and religions.

The book “The History of Mongolia (1911-2017)”, written in collaboration with the “Mongolian Scientific and Research Institute for National Freedom”, is worth reading by the history student as well as anyone with a general interest in history. It provides a clear and informative guide to the twists and turns of Mongolian history.

Johann C. Fuhrmann
Country Representative of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Mongolia

Since the Democratic revolution, archives of Mongolia and Russia that were once private have opened for public review, leading to the publication of many documents related to the history of Mongolia in the 20th century. In addition, people’s oral stories and historical memories are starting to emerge now, as their desire to know their history, especially 20th century history, is flowering. However, the amount of research being done with these archival documents seems low in Mongolia. Thus, this book is an attempt to write the history of Mongolia from 1911 to 2017, without any ideological influence.

During the Socialist period, our history could not be called ‘Mongolian history;’ instead, we were to name it the history of the “Mongolian People’s Republic,” the term given to us in 1924 due to Soviet presence here. Under this terminology, thousands of records of written history were distorted, due to the participation of those Soviet scientists who formulated the ideologies, in concealing underlying facts and realities.

Mongolia has been passing along ideologically-fuelled viewpoints on social stratification, politics, history and traditions, thus providing innacurate information to Mongolians. To give an example, Mongolian people believe that the history of modern Mongolia began from the People’s Revolution of 1921, an ideological reflection of Soviet ideology because it reflected a date after the 1917 October Revolution in Russia. But, according to the historical sources, the beginning of modern Mongolia is marked, indisputably, by the 1911 revolution.

This book covers the modern history of Mongolia, beginning with the revolution for independence from the Manchu-Chinese empire declared in 1911, through to 2018. It is divided into the following periods: Rebirth of the Bogdo Khanate in Mongolia 1911-1919; Mongolia during the Constitutional Monarchy period 1921-1924; Mongolian People’s Republic 1924-1990; and the Democratic period in Mongolia from 1990 to today. For ease of comparison, each period has a section for politics, economics, foreign affairs, society, culture and education. This standard structure was intented to eliminate any bias toward real events and historical figures; it relies only on archival sources for validitation. The objective of this book is to change the conservative and conventional mindset of people toward Mongolia’s modern history, by providing fact-based evidence. For instance, the story of Choibalsan, the respected minister who could arguably be called the ‘Mongolian Stalin,’ is not what it seemed.

In order to present a historical biography, we aimed to evaluate the individual as a social entity, as well as the people of Mongolia. It is important to note that Mongolians have true meaning in the history of their journey, and telling these stories truthfully will edify future generations.

This book also aims to answer questions such as: what are the stories of Mongolia’s last century? what have these stories taught us;? how can we learn from Mongolia’s existence as a nation?

The history of Modern Mongolia reminds us that forgetting one’s own history, culture, and traditions is a threat to the nation. That is why, in this book, we attempted to reveal the facts of the bitter history that destroyed the values of the Mongolian nation’s existence: elimination of the succession of the golden lineages; ridicule of the intellectuals and scientists; and unconcern for the people. It is hoped that future generations of Mongolians will have their own view on these matters, and that they will be able to see Mongolia’s national interests as a priority. For it is those young people, who have learned from their own history, who will be honored as a member of a respected civilization.

The history of Mongolia that we publish here will contribute to the transformation of Mongolia’s social consciousness, history, literature and intellectual thought. Hopefully, Mongolian society in future will be one that favors democracy and justice, with an ideology that is free from foreign ideological influence.

The first and second parts of the book, “Renascent Bogd Khanate Mongolia” (1911 – 1919) and “Mongolia of Constitutional Monarchy” (1921-1924), respectively, were written by Sc.D., Professor O.Batsaikhan. Part three, first period “Mongolian People’s Republic (1924-1959), was written by Ph.D. Professor Z.Lonjid; part three, second period “Mongolian People’s Republic (1959-1990)” was written by Ph.D. Ch.Enkhbat. A special chapter on “Unforgettable lessons: the great purge and genocide in Mongolia” was written by Professor S.Baatar. Part four “Mongolia’s transition toward Democracy (from 1990-present)” was written by researcher and journalist S.Amarsanaa. Translated by Amar Batsaikhan (Part 1. 2), Dashdulam Budsuren, Naranchimeg Jukov (Part 3), Delgermaa Ganbat (Part 4).

The history of Modern Mongolia (1911-2017) project was funded by the ‘Mongolian Scientific and Research Institute for National Freedom’ and supported by the Konrad- Adenauer-Foundation.
We are forever grateful to the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung/Foundation’s Office of Mongolia for their support and would like to express our sincere appreciation to Dr. Daniel Schmucking and Dr. Peter Hefele, who were residing representatives at the time, as well as the current resident representative Johann C. Fuhrmann, and the project coordinator B.Dulguun.

Project Leader, Sc.D, Professor Batsaikhan Ookhnoi


1.1 Mongolia’s political environment and struggle to become a nation-state
In the early 20th century, Mongolia’s political situation and Mongolians were seen through the eyes of Moscow trade expeditions: “Mongols speak one language, use same one system of writing, one religion, one level of economy and cultural development. They have one common history and is under modern political conditions as well as the other countries. Occupying a large part of the northern part of Central Asia. The border of Mongolia lies in the west by the Khangai Mountains of Saylyugemsky, the Mongol Altai in the west, the Tanna Mountains and the Khamar Mount Hangai Mountains in the north, the Hinjang Mountains and the Great Wall of China in the south.” (Московская торговая экспедиция в Монголию, 1912: 167) This is a realistic reflection of the Mongols who lived “under the arms of others” for more than two hundred years.

Morozov of Russian expedition team states that Mongol population is relatively different, because there are with approximately 3 million people with population density of 0.7 people per square km (Moskovskaya, 1912: 218).

According to historical records, South Mongolia signed an agreement with the Dai Qing Empire in 1636. In the Manchu Khan’s decree: “By the power of the heavens I have ruled all nations and have a duty to care for you. My dear Bogd king, I am ordering this decree: (Полумордвинов 1912: 21)

...Spurious one, your brother was Tusheet Khan. You are the same as religion, and you had separate lands. You have worked together in every area of war.

You are rewarded with the title of King of the State because you took your efforts seriously and successfully invaded the three provinces, and three officers and 75 territories.

If my commands get violated in the ordinary time, or at the time of war, dukes, princes appointed by my decree shall be taken from their title and punished by the military tribunal. Other than that, any act of princes is not the basis for condemnation.

Prince’s post is inherited. If the Great Qinq dynasty changes, Mongolians will live up to their original legitimacy. For this she is awarded by heaven.”(Полумордвинов 1912: 21). This decree was issued and sent to the ruler of the right wing of Horchin prince Budach (who had title Zasagt precious of South Mongolia). Day the decree issued the 23rd of the first summer of Manchu’s Wise Bogd Khan’s first year is May 17, 1636. The record marks the year was the year Budach did got titled “Zasag tur, zasagt jun van” (Полумордвинов 1912: 21).

On May 5 of this year, the second representative of the Manchu royal palace, Hong Taiji (means Prince Hong) was exalted as Emperor, and his reign of governance was called “Chongde de” or “supreme wise” and dynasty was named “Dai Qing”. (Полумордвинов 1912: 21)

In other words, the events in 1636 and later in 1691 that led Khalkha Mongols to follow Manchu Empire were the historical empowerment of the Manchu emperor of the Aisingor family, and extended the Manchu empire with the Mongolian borders. The Manchu Khan’s decree mentioned above as well as the decree issued by Manchu Khan in 1691 for Khalkh Mongol in its essence, was a legal document that connects Inner Mongolia and Khalkha Mongols to Manchu, which is the first historical document of the jurisdiction of the Dai Qing Dynastic Empire. The strict rules governing the joining of the 1636 was undoubtedly implies the right of princes of Mongolia to the freedom of the Mongols to operate. Also this joining legal agreement in the body of decree specifies, since not only governing princes but every ruler participated and signed by supreme governers, each future decisions will be formulated just as same as the joining agreement. This was significant.

A right of the lords is: “If the Dai Qing dynasty changes, then it shall follow the original own law”. The Manchu Dynasty empowers the fate of the Mongolian rulers as the Qing dynasty. It was the evidence of the control of fate for princes only connected with Qing dynasty.

Whenever dynasty falls the contract defines freedom from any of the obligations of Inner and Khalkha Mongols as defined by the decree.

Khalkha Mongols joined the Manchu Qing Empire in 1691 as the alliance same as the South Mongolia. However, Eastern Mongols and Oirat Mongols defeated Manchu Qing Empire in the middle of the 1750s after many years of resistance. Since then, there has been a struggle to gain the independence of Mongols began all over the place.

Russian Empire and Mongolia
“If Manchu empire falls leading to escape their own Manzhouli, Government of China in Beijing would try to dominate. So before it happens, we should take Mongolia in as protectorate.” (Djon W.Stanton 1932: 214) noted N.Muraviev all the way back in 1853.

N.N.Muraviev is the diplomat who brought changes into inextricable fossil dynamic between Russian Empire and Manchu Qing dynasty. Works of his, especially, ‘Treaty of Aigun’ cooled down the heat of the relationship. Governor-General of the Far East N.N.Muraviev’s several diplomatic actions during 1850’s resulted the ‘Treaty of Aigun’ in 1858. (Муравьев-Амурский 1891: 56) This is a treaty signed between the two countries over a period of more than a century after the Treaty of Khyaga established in 1727. Now Russians consider this treaty historically victorious contract. No other treaty or contract that had impact on the dynamic had got signed in centuries between these empires. Only exchanging of diplomats or small trade pacts happened. After this ‘Treaty of Aigun’, between Russia and Qing ‘Treaty of Tientsin’ in 1858, ‘Convention of Beijing’ in 1860 got signed. According to the treaty, Russian Consul opened in Khuree in 1861 which made passing over the border of Mongolia much possible.

Muraviev, Governor-General of the Far East, sending representetives implied comradely relationship between him and representatives in Khuree. Because at the time, dynamic of two dynasties were on heat. Agent of Muraviev-Amusk, Despot-Zenowicz visited Khuree in 1854 and 1858 and the notes from the conversation between him and Mongolian governer is the most interesting. (Деспот-Зенович 2011: 163-167) In 1852, Taiping Rebellion was on the edge to escalate into revolution. Caused by the Manchu-Chinese’s war against England and France, the dynasty lost control of peripheral territories bit by bit. And Muraviev decided to take action into his hands.

He resolved to encourage the Mongols to separate from China, and Manchurians to do the same. And he supplied them with excellent reasons, and buoyed them up with hopes. Mongolia, he argued, is united, not with China, but with the reigning House there, and once it ceases to reign, the connection is at an end. And he promised each of these peoples help from Russia. These promises and negotiations were carried on through the intermediary of Despot Zenowicz, whose interviews with Amban were secret. In the secret conversations Despot-Zenowicz: “If the ruling dynasty falls on a disaster that Russia can not stop by the will of God, and Manchuria take over the Ming dynasty, Manchuria and Mongolss should not recognize themselves as a Chinese dynasty. Then we will help Manchuria and Mongolia.” “It will definitely happen unless there’s some god of disaster.” “From the historical point of view, there were three independent states of Manchuria, Mongols and China”. Additionally, N.Muraviev told through Despot, hoping “Mongols would become free as wild horse without rein running through field. (Dillon 1912: 56)

Mongols’ pride and hope rose for decades because of this speech.

In 1861, after the conversation, Russian Consul opened in Khuree. Since 1727, Russia had no external influence on Mongol, but afterwards, Russians started to compete with Chinese traders and Russian and Qing’s interests are in contact with Mongolia.

Mongolians of Buddhism
By the late-nineteenth century, almost every Mongolians started following buddhism which became the reason to lose own belligerent and wild behaviours. Yakov Shishmarev, a famous Russian diplomat, who spent some 50 years of his life in Mongolia, noted, when writing about Mongols in 1885: “Conflicts exist among the Mongols, particularly among Khalkhas and Tsahars. The khalkhas consider themselves a leading group among the many Mongolian tribes. They were submitted to a Manchu control in 1691. In case conditions are to be created for the Mongols to be united, the khalkhas are certain to lead the movement towards it. Many factors account for that. The most important one is that in Khalkha does reside the reincarnation of Avid Jebtsundamba who all Mongols and khalimags venerate”. (Донесение 1886: 154 – 160; Государственный архив Читинской области Ф.1 об, оп. 1, д.3292; Единархова 2001: 126)

The members of the Moscow expedition noted, when they wrote about the great reputation and influence of the Dalai Lama and the Bogd gegeen: “Since just one word of the Dalai Lama was capable of stirring up the entire Central Asia, the Chinese were very careful when choosing the Dalai Lama and the Bogd gegeen”. (Московская 1912: 228)

There were occasions in the early 20th century for the Mongolian issue to come to the attention of the Russia Emperor. Privy Counselor Lessar’s confidential telegram is still preserved in the Russian archives with the following notes made with a blue pencil by the Emperor himself: “I believe, Shishmarev’s trip to Khuree would be of great importance this time. He should be provided with necessary instructions” (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.1). A few days later, i.e., on 29 January 1905, Count I.I. Ignatev sent the following dispatch to his Emperor: “Mongolia is becoming a key in our policy towards Inner China, Tibet, Himalayan Mountains, India and Central Asia. The situation in Mongolia requires that we pay a special attention to an even development in this neighboring land linked to Russia through historical, political and economic interests. The issue of Mongolia is of a special importance for us despite the war with Japan. There should be no other option for Mongolia except becoming an autonomy and a buffer zone between Russia and China. She is certain to become in future a platform against China and a sphere of Russian interest” (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.3). Since the count’s dispatch included into the buffer zone all of Mongolia describing it as bordering with China on the south of Kukunor Lake (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.3), it is possible to view that the original Russian policy option towards Mongolia was not to divide Mongolia, but include all of it into the sphere of Russian influence. In addition, it was stated in the count’s dispatch that Russians’ objective should not be to divide Mongolia between China and Russia but to take a step to separate it from China (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.3). The count’s report might have helped to lay a basis for Russia’s policy on Mongolia in early 20th century. It was not incidental that the Emperor of Russia marked on the dispatch: ‘to be used in the report’ when it was submitted to him.

When V.N. Kokovtsev, Minister of Finance of Russia visited Harbin on 24-25 October 1909 to see the state of the railways there, I.Y. Korostovets (David Wolff 1999: 19-20), Envoy of Russia in Peking was also there”. The Finance Minister and Envoy then visited the Institute of Fareast in Harbin opened some 10 years earlier.

By 1900, Institute of Fareast, which was founded in October 21st or November 3rd 1899, had Korean-Chinese, Japanese-Chinese, Chinese-Mongolian, Chinese and Manchu language classes with 18 students studying there. Pozdneev taught Manchu and Mongolian languages till 1902. Tsybikov started teaching the Mongolian language since 1902. The Institute paid a significant attention to remote areas like Mongolia, Manchuria, Russian Fareast and Tibet in addition to China, Japan and Korea. Kiuner wanted to intensify the research on those areas. The graduates of the Institute set up in 1909 a Russian Association of Fareast Researchers.

During the Russo-Japanese war, Baranov traveled widely in and through Mongolia and sent a letter to Kokovtsev, Minister of Finance, dated 13 January 1907. He made in his letter a 10–point proposal on strengthening Russian interests in Mongolia. The proposals included setting up of Russian-Mongolian school in Harbin and publishing a newspaper in Russian and Chinese languages. (David Wolff 1999: 156)

But Baranov’s proposal was not supported. Year later in the summer of 1908, the Chinese started publishing a newspaper (Menghuabao) in the Mongolian. It was noted in its first issue that Japan and Russia were looking at Mongolia as “a tiger was looking at its game”. But the Russians had another idea. (David Wolff 1999: 163). The Russian started publishing a bi-monthly Mongol News in the Mongolian in the spring of 1909 in Harbin. Russians started to participate in issues related to Mongolia through Institute centred in Harbin.

Mongolian scholar R.Rupen noted: “The main reason for the Mongolian national movement of the 20th century was the change in the long and tolerant attitude of both Russia and the Manchu towards their Mongolian subjects” (Рупен 2000: 12). He continued to write: “The policy of the Imperial Russian Government which gradually became harsh since 1880, was most oppressive in 1902 – 1904. For one, Russians and Ukrains settled in Buriyatia, russified the region and tightened administrative control there. The Manchu changed in 1878 their previous policy to protect the Mongols from the Chinese. A new policy was developed fast and in a large scale during 1880 – 1890s and a decade from 1900 to 1910 saw a pinnacle of Sinification through steps such as allocating land plots in Mongolia to the Chinese. Even before 1880, Chinese farmers moved to Inner Mongolia beyond the Great Wall. Huc compared an advancing Chinese agriculture to “a snake crawling into the gobi desert””. (Рупен 2000: 12)

It had something to do with Russian policy that arrival of XIII Dalai lama coincided with Mongolian critical phase of time. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.5)

Dalai lama in mongolia and russian policy towards mongolia
The XIII Dalai lama left Tibet in 1904 and arrived in Mongolia to avoid the British aggression in Tibet and the negotiations imposed on him and the Tibetans. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.564, с.21) He might have calculated that the Russians would favourably recieve him in Mongolia and would support him on Tibet against Britain. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.5) The Russians, however, viewed the Dalai lama’s presence in Mongolia, as an opportunity to attract Mongolian and Chinese populations who profess Buddhism. Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.5)

Different interpretations and comments were provided on the arrival and stay of the Dalai lama in Mongolia and his relations with the eighth Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu. The information sources preserved in the Russian archives might help clarify them. In one of the Russian sources it was noted: “conflicts start to break out between the Khutuktu of Khuree and the Dalai lama. If the Dalai lama continues to stay in Mongolia, the Khutuktu is likely to move to the Erdene Zuu Monastery in the Orkhon river basin”.(Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.5 об) It is difficult to say if the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu was indeed thinking of moving to the Erdene Zuu Monastery. It is, however, probable that he did not like the influence which the Dalai lama began to have after his arrival in Mongolia and which led to the reduction of his own. The Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu could also have been concerned that the Dalai lama might act in an inappropriate and untimely manner vis-a-vis the movement for Mongolia’s national independence that he was contemplating about.

Russian Scholar P.K.Kozlov noted (Козлов 2004: 105) in his diaries that he met with the Dalai lama more than once while he was residing in the Khuree. It was also noted that the Manchus and Chinese in Khuree became suspecious of the close relationship between the Dalai lama and P. Kozlov.

There are original stories passed on from mouth to mouth on the meeting between the Bogdo gegeen and the Dalai Lama. (Жамсранжав1998: 75)

The Dalai lama stayed in Khuree for a while and went to the Wan Khuree in the summer of 1905. Although the Dalai Lama was enjoying the support of many Mongolian worshippers, he had to leave because of a number of factors, including the Khutuktu’s cold attitude towards him, Russian consul’s avoidance to see him in person and Manchu Amban’s persecution. The Dalai lama told the Russian consul before he left Khuree: ‘The Khutuktu sent monetary presents to the Manchu Emperor to persuade him not to receive the Dalai lama and he was not accepting Khutuktu’s offer to give a reception in his honour. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.564, с.80-96)

According to the report of the Russian consul, (Россия и Тибет 2005: 26)the Khutuktu of Khuree did not meet with the Dalai lama in order to avoid diminishing his high reputation among the Mongols. But the words of mouth among the Mongols had it that the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu met with Dalai lama more than once under the cover of night to avoid the persecution of he Manchu authorities. According to Russian scholar P. Kozlov, the Dalai lama was very frank when he met with him, saying: “the Khutuktu not only did not meet him and pay a visit to him in his residence in Khuree. Moreover, he allowed his seat to be removed from the monastery”(Козлов 2004: 106). He also noted (Козлов 2004: 106) that the Khutuktu of Khuree did not like the presence of the head of the Tibetan religion in Khuree because of the alleged Peking attitude. The Dalai lama did not like the Khutuktu either”.

The Dalai lama attempted, while he was in the Wang Khuree, to carry out political activities and, in particular establish direct contacts with Russia. When the Russian Government started negotiating on Tibet in 1906 with the British Government, it was considered appropriate for the Dalai lama to go from Mongolia to Kumbum, which he did on 26 August 1906.(Россия и Тибет 2005: 28)

Russians, then, wrote, “Khalkha princes and nobles follow Khutuktu on political and other important issues. For them Khutuktu’s views and words are sacred. It is important to have an influence on him. Caution, however, should be taken when placing a hope in Khutuktu.”(Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.5 об). The remark, as I see it, alerted to the importance of treating Khutuktu correctly, without denying the possibility of placing a hope in him.

Careful analysis of the content of the information and documents of that time shows that the Russians attached a particular importance to influencing the Mongols, using the doctrines of their religion, Buddhism. At the same time they paid much attention to attracting hereditary nobles popular among the masses and favorably impacting on them. It was because of this, perhapse, that they were very careful when treating the Dalai lama.

It was not only the Mongols who were concerned about the new policy course being enforced by the Manchu Government. The Russians did not favor the policy either. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.78, с.22) Lyuba proposed consequently on 16 June 1905 that the Khuree consular district be reduced and that an additional Russian consulate be created in Uliastai. Consequently Russian consular offices were established in Uliastai, Khovdo and Shar Soum of Khovdo.

The members of the Moscow Trade Expedition, who had taken a trip to and in Mongolia during the said period wrote: “Civilization’s advances did not reach here (Mongolia) untill recently. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that it is only now, before our eyes, that the centuries-old way of their life inherited from generation to generation is beginning or is about to change”. (Московская 1912: 68)

G. Osokin wrote about the Mongolia of early 20th century: “We have certain important trade and political interests in Mongolia. We, therefore, should focus our attention on this country in crisis. Mongolia borders on our possessions in Asia along thousands of miles of land. What is happening in that country and who is establishing themselves there, should be our concern. It may be natural for Mongolia to be in economic relationship with us and be our market in terms of both natural environment and geographical location”. (Осокин 1906: 28)

Baranov Aleksei Mikhailovich (who undertook several survey trips in Mongolia in 1905 - 1906), a Russian military specialist on Mongolia, who served in Russian military intelligence, wrote: “Mongolia enjoys a status of semi-independent nation. It is not occupied by China (Manchu Qing State — O.B.), but is associated with it. The Chinese intention and desire to unite Mongolia to themselves, led to the elimination of the Mongolian self-rule and gave rise to the issue of Mongolia”. D.P.Pershin, (Баранов 1907: 6) Official for Special Matters, Office of the Governor-General of Irkutsk, wrote in the newspaper “Siberia”: “Russia needs an independent Mongolia as a buffer-state. Russia will do a lot to strengthen this buffer”. (Першин 1910: 4)

All the words, above-mentioned, from Russian government, business and military representatives are on the one hand shows the Russian policy towards Mongolia, while being an indication of passion to become independent nation from Mongolian side. And it preceded critical state of nation that soon to be defined.

The history of Modern Mongolia (1911-2017)
The History of Modern Mongolia (1911-2017) UB., Hard cover (Хатуу хавтастай) - 40.000 tugrug (төгрөг)
Prof. Batsaikhan Ookhnoi Phone: +976 11 362281 Fax: +976 11 322613 E-mail: bagi112005(at)


The irreversible demise of the Manchu empire provided an impetus to the break out of the national revolution in Mongolia. But the main causes of the Mongolian National Revolution of 1911 were several: Mongols had originally existed independently; the struggle for their national independence started following their submission to the Manchu domination, to be exact, after the Manchu attempted to control and restrict Mongols’ freedom and conducted a policy of assimilating Mongolia. As early as 1899 or the 25th year of Guangxu, the chuulgan dargas, commanders, beice da Hebei, the eredene shanzodba of Khuree of the four Khalkha aimaks petitioned jointly the Ikh Jurgan(Lifanbu) to not let extraction of gold on the territory of Mongolia.(Петухов 1939: 85) Although a protest was lodged in and through this document against the permit given to Russians to extract gold, through the remark that ‘it had been the common conviction since ancient times that gold should not be sought and extracted for profits in violation of prohibitions’ (Петухов 1939: 85-86), an idea was clearly expressed that whoever, be it a Russian or Chinese, should not dig for gold and that an extraction of gold is contrary to the Mongol tradition.

It was a time when the aspiration of the Mongols to get rid of the Manchu domination and attain their freedom was gaining a momentum in Mongolia. Russian merchant A.Burdukov who lived over 30 years in western frontier region of Mongolia wrote: “The northern Khan Khoukhou mountain valley was full of talks about the events that would wake up the Mongolian people of their centuries of sleep and would bring them freedom and right to participate in the creation of mankind’s history” (1969: 28). The dispatch sent in January 1908 by the French Embassy in Peking to its MFA reads: “The lamaist religion has undoubtedly suppressed the warrior spirit of the Mongols. But it can also help revive it. Although the Mongols were discouraged and lost their power, they remain loyal, brave and concerned about their reputation” (Франц 2006: 153).

Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, being unable to go along and being often in conflict with the Manchu amban, secretely collected and kept weapons in his palace. He considered that a lot of weapons would be needed in the organization of national struggle. Nevertheless, the Manchu emissary became suspicious and found it out in 1908”. (Жамсран 1996: 38) In the 34th year of the reign of the Manchu Emperor Guangxu (1908), the Tusheet khan and Setsen khan aimaks as well as the shabi petitioned jointly to the Minister in Khuree to make a “point of protest over the difficulties of procuring for for heating by the officers and cavaliers stationed in Khuree as ordered by the Minister”. (Петухов 1939: 87)

Yu. Kushelev, a Russian military officer, who, at the instruction of the General Department of the Russian Armed Forces’ General Staff, traveled though Mongolia from April to October 1911, wrote: “The influential lamas of Khuree held a meeting in late June 1905. The meeting decided to oppose to the new policy of China (Manchu Qing State —O.B.) and send a delegation to Russia to seek assistance in this undertaking”. (Кушелев 1912: 2) He noticed that South East Mongolia was more attached to China while Outer Mongolia was more independent and South West Mongolia had relations with Russia. (Кушелев 1912: 78)

As for Korostovets himself, his connection to Mongolia dated well before the Mongol — Russian Agreement of 1912 that we know. In 1907, after the Russo — Japanese War, he gave secret instructions to Hitrovo “to review the situation in China and Mongolia and promote friendship between Russia and Mongolia” (Дэндэв 2003: 6). This was mentioned in detail in the petition that Dambadugar, Tsydipov and Inet, the Buriates of Altanbulag town, Selenge aimak, submitted to the Presidium of the State Small Hural in 1933, where they reported on the historical activities that Inner and Outer Mongols had initiated and undertaken since 1904 to break away from the Manchu and create their independent state. It was noted there that I. Korotovets who was a Minister in the Russian Legation in Peking gave secret instructions to Hitrovo, and they acted as interpreters and took trips, to implement the instructions, to Barga, Over (Southern) khoshuns and areas of Khalkha Mongolia (Дэндэв 2003: 6). It was also mentioned there: “Russia found out that discussions had taken place (among the Chinese) circa 1907 on sending the Chinese to Barga and Khalkha Mongolia’s northern border areas manned by Mongol frontier guards and having them settled there to grow wheats and cereals. Since it would be difficult for both Mongolia and Russia if there would be no Mongolia to maintain relationship, Zasagt wang, officer Hitrovo and my brother Tsevegdorji discussed the possibility of making Barga and Inner  and Khalkha Mongolia self-governed and conveyed their ideas to Korostovets who was then a Minister in Peking. Korostovets shared their views but was cautious limiting his support for only Khalkha Mongolia for Barga and Inner Mongolia had many Chinese farmers and it would be difficult for them to seek independence. (Дэндэв 2003: 6-8) It was after this that Almas-Ochir, ex-governor of Harchin Wang khoshun was sent to Khuree. He reported to Bogdo who endorsed the views expressed and it was decided that an information would be exchanged between them as between a lama and a disciple. (Дэндэв 2003: 6-8)

A. Kornakova wrote: “I learned from conversations with the Mongols that Bogdo Gegeen and other influential princes and lamas have regularly met and consulted during the course of the last two years”. (Корнакова 1912: 18) Consul Ya. Shishmarev wrote after the Bat- orshil Naadam of 1908: “Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu does not allow influential princes of Mongolia to return to their regions. Without his consent and blessing, no khan, no influential lama can now leave. He has now become a leader of the Mongolian side”. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.17) He added that Sain noyon had become the person closest to Bogdo.

Mongolian princes and nobles often discussed, in the presence of Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, about the present situation of and perspectives for Mongolia. But Bogdo and princes, at that time, considered a special matter for the Manchu authorities, namely the demand of the Manchu Ministry of Finance put through their amban in Khuree that the Chairman of the Mongolian Chuulgan and hoshun governors give them a clear response to their following questions: (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.18)

a) WhyitisconsideredimpossibletoletintoMongolia,avastterritorywith little population, Chinese citizens and let them engage in farming,
b) What, under the present conditions, prevents a construction of railway between Khaalgan and Khuree and what justifications are there,
c) IftheChinesesettlementandtheirengagementinfarmingaswellasthe construction of rail way and auto vehicle roads are to negatively affect Mongolia’s nomads and animal husbandry, why an engagement in mining is also considedered to be negative.
Jebtsundamba Khutuktu and other Mongolian princes were demanded by the Government of the Manchu Emperor to respond to the above questions in no ambigious terms. Therefore, they had to thouroughly consider the questions and provide proper answers to them.

Khutuktu and princes, after thorough consideration of the questions, defended their previous position on opposing to the Chinese settlement in Mongolia and their engagement in farming and expressed, their conviction that mining would also entail many consequences for pastoral livestock breeding which required moving to mountains during winter.(Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.18) The meeting of the Mongolian princes made all the participants to realize that Mongols’ life was becoming precarious and that it required a lot of attention and efforts to protect it.

One of the notes that the Russian Consul Shishmarev made in early 1910 in his diaries reads: ‘The relationship between the Khutuktu and Sandowa amban in Khuree is becoming worse over the lamas’ incident. Sandowa reported to Peking that the Khutuktu and the Shanzodba are not implementing the Peking instruction to dismiss the Secretary General and Da Lama. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.33)

The Russian Consul’s dispatch of 18 May 1911, informed of the Chinese Government decision taken early 1911 on replacing the Mongolian border guards, who served under the supervision of Chinese amban in Khuree, by Chinese troops (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.566, с.10) and noted that they started implementing their military reforms. Jebtsundamba Khutuktu and Mongolian princes were particularly opposed to this miltary reform being carried out in Mongolia by the Manchu authorities.

The incident started on 26 March 1910 when three Mongolian intoxicated lamas entered into an argument and fight with salespersons of a Chinese shop. When Chinese troops acting for police arrested the lamas and attempted to take them to a police station, many Mongols who happened to be there on the street, attacked them and were said to have destroyed the Chinese company. The Manchu amban Sandowa hurried to the place of the incident to regulate it as soon as he got the news. Many Mongols who were hardly controlling their anger met the amban with shouts and threw stones at him when he was at some distance from his carriage. Sandowa could not do anything but go back to his carriage and drove away. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.34) Manchu amban Sandowa, having been hurt during the riots, made great efforts to identify and arrest the main culprit of the event, arresting and imprisoning many lamas involved in the riots. He came, ultimately, to the conclusion that the main culprit was Khutuktu’s assistant, his Secretary General. Khutuktu, however, did not let Sandowa arrest the Secretary General. On the contrary, he was said to have hidden him in his palace. On the account of the Sandowa report, Peking instructed the Khutuktu to sack Secretary General Badamdorj and Da lama Tserenchimed from their posts. But he did not carry out the instruction. On the contrary, he wrote and sent a report to Peking in May 1910, wherein he charged Sandowa of attending the riot and fiercely defended the Secretary General who was his closest person. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.54) Since then the strained relations between the Khutuktu of the Khuree and the Manchu amban got worse and turned into deep animosity. That being the case, Jebtsundamba khutuktu sent several letters to the Manchu Emperor to have Sandowa replaced and even sought assistance from the Russia Consul on that matter. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.55) Lavdovskii, Russian Consul in Khuree informed Korostovets, Minister in Peking through his dispatch of 12 March 1911: “The Gegeen refused to mark the Lunar New Year on the same day with the Manchu and Chinese and instructed the Mongols to celebrate it a day later. Khutuktu did not receive Sandowa amban when the latter came to pay a respect to him on the occasion of the Lunar New Year. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.90)

I believe the above incidents showed that the Khutuktu of Khuree existed and acted independently from the Manchu amban. As for the riot, it was not a mere law - and - order incident involving few lamas, but an event with serious political implications. It let the Manchu amban see for himself how the tense situation in Mongolia was close and ready to turn into an all-out movement of protest.

A trade expedition headed by Colonel V.L. Popov worked in Mongolia from May 1910. (Московская 1912: 44) The following is what those traveles noted: The Bogd gegeen blessed in his room buriyats and cossaks and guide lamas and purchased a lot of goods from us. He also ordered goods from Moscow. Among us there was B.B.Krasin, a young Russian composer. He asked the like merchants if there were a piano and suggested that a Mongolian melody be composed. There was no piano, but a harmonica was found. It was brought to us. B.Krasin took hold of the old harmonica and asked what melody he would play. Somebody suggested that he play the Russian hymn. The Mongolian steppe, thus, heard the hymn called “God, protect the Tsar”, hymn that delights and excites a Russian. We all stood up, took our hats and stood in a solemn file. The Bogdo gegeen, his spouse, princes, all the court officials were listening with an interest. When the Bogdo gegeen was explained that it was the Russian hymn, he took off his hat and listened quietly as the hymn of the Russian Tsar was playing in the palace of the head of Mongolia. When the music ended, the expedition members shouted “Hurrah”. He hymn was played twice more, including the one played at the request of the Bogdo gegeen. This performance was rather sudden and could have been viewed as political. After the hymn was played, Krasin played for the Bogdo gegeen the “Glory” which delighted the Gegeen. We, too, listened to it, standing with our hats in our hands. Afterwards the composer played several Mongolian melodies which he composed. The Bogdo gegeen and his close circles were moved greatly. Particularly, the spouse of the Bogdo gegeen was expressing herself more loudly. After this small performance, the Bogdo gegeen showed us his portrait and asked to have it printed in Moscow. We accepted the request with a pleasure. G. I. Kolchevskii undertook to have it done. (Московская 1912: 45) Morozov wrote in his travel notes: “The reputation of the Bogdo gegeen is as great as is that of the Dalai Lama who is a Living God in Tibet. Here not everybody knows about the Chinese emperor. But every Mongolian, even a child knows the Bogdo gegeen with whose fame and reputation they associate the power of God, the power of an emperor and all that. Very many people pay a visit to the Bogdo gegeen to pray before him. They come in singles or as a group from every corner of Mongolia. They include princes, taijis, laymen, local lamas, other peoples who profess Buddhism. They overcome a lot of obstacles to be received by the Bogdo gegeen.”(Московская 1912: 108), meaning to express the reality of the Bogdo and how Mongolians treated their own religous leader.

Morozov’s expedition team also wrote in their travel notes: “For Mongolia the Bogdo gegeen is a holy khuvilgaan of the first order.” which was not far from the truth. Reputation of his among his people increased regarding as the Khuvilgaan of Eighth Reincarnation and as a person.

The Bogd gegeen was semi-independent in his relations with the Chinese. He did not pay visit to Beijing as was the case with his previous incarnations. The Chinese could not do anything to have him visit.

The Bogd gegeen took a negative attitude when the Dalai Lama arrived in Mongolia. The Dalai Lama could not find any means to ameliorate his attitude towards him. This led to the decrease of the Dalai Lama’s reputation among the Mongols and to the increase of the Bogdo’s fame.

Increasing resort to the Bogdo gegeen for consultations by princes who were aware of the difficult situation in Mongolia and who were disappointed with Manchu authorities and the position of the Bogdo gegeen as attracting the princes made the Bogdo gegeen a political head of the Mongolian nation.

But the main instrument through which the Bogdo gegeen could influence the people were lamas. All the lamas of Mongolia were governed by the Bogdo gegeen. Any young lama of any monastery in Mongolia could not get status of a most low ranking lama without being blessed by the Bogdo gegeen. Therefore, all lamas were dependent on Khuree.

Morozov noted that about two hundred thousand lamas and laymen come to the Bogdo court to pray before him”. (Московская1912: 227)

It was a law for all monasteries and the population of Mongolia to worship the Bogdo. In this situation, all lamas, in addition to his disciples, were turning into his subjects. Since the influence of lamas among the people was strong, the influence of the Bogdo gegeen was growing fast among the population. (Московская 1912: 177-178)

A decision to increase the number of Chinese troops in Khalkha led to more discontent among the Mongols amidst the deepening of the conflict between the the Manchu authorities on one side and Bogdo Jebtsundamba and the Mongol princes on the other for and against the implementation of the new Manchu policy. Mongolian princes, particularly Sain noyon turned to the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu with a letter to alert him to the dangers that the activities being taken lately by the Manchu Government, presented for Mongolia and proposed to that a meeting of the princes of four Khalkha aimaks (khanates) and zasags be held to discuss actions against them in 1911. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.26) Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu supported the proposal and ordered all the khans and princes of four Khalkha aimaks to attend a meeting to be held during the danshig naadam in late June. According to the notes of I.Morozov, who was member of Russian trading expedition team, “Among current khans, Setsen khan, Zasagt khan and Tusheet khan have no authority over their aimakh. Only Sain noyon, with 22 khoshuns, is distingshuished from other princes by his wisdom and moral behavour and has been chosen as chuulgan darga. Under his control, entirety of his aimakh is being held.”

In the middle month of 1910, the superiors and princes of the four aimaks had met in Khuree and convened princes’ meeting in accordance with the order made by the Bogdo the previous year to consider a case “for the need to establish an independent Mongolian state” (Дилов1991: 7) – a case approved by the seals of the princes of the four aimaks. The meeting was attended by four princes, representatives from each aimak and the shabi. When the princes’ meeting was considering the issue, Sandowa Amban in Khuree became suspicious and the meeting was adjourned. But the consideration of the matter continued in the summer of 1911 under the pretext of offering danshig services dedicated to the Bogdo.

Eighteen spiritual and secular figures such as Khamba nomun khan Puntsag, gung Sodnomdorj, shanzodba Badamdorj, da lama Tserenchimed, darkhan wang Puntsagtseren, tusheet wang Chagdarjav, erdene dalai wang Gombosuren, dalai choinkhor wang Tsedensodnom, erdene wang Namsrai, khurts wang Tuuden and zasag Tungalag made a report to the Bogdo gegeen on the auspicious eighth day of the first spring month of the year of white female pig (1911)” (Жамсранжав 1998: 79-80). Since it was pointed in the report to the situation which became alarming and different as never before”, the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu ordered to convene princes’ meeting under the pretext of holding danshig services. When Burdukov wrote about the princes’ meeting, he noted that 18 persons had attended it. But it was to mean the princes’ meeting for preparing the report to the Bogdo.

The khans, princes, officials, khutuktus and khuvilgaans of the four Khalkha aimaks met in the summer of 1911 at the office of Khuree’s Erdene Shanzodba under the pretext of holding, by Bogdo‘s decree, danshig services by many aimaks and shabi and discussed how to oppose to the ‘new Manchu policy course’ and restore Mongolia’s independence. Since it was difficult to reach a consensus decision by many participants who held different views and who were not free from the persecution of the Manchu amban, a group of people, including princes and lamas headed by the four Khalkha khans, who were opposed to the new policy course of the Manchu Government and who believed that it was high time for Mongolia to become independent for the sake of her national identity, religion, state and land, held separate consultations in secret, meeting in a gher set up in the woods at the back of the Bogdo maintain.

It was decided by the princes’ secret meeting to “send a special deputation to Great Russia, the northern neighbor, to kindly explain Mongolia’s situation and seek an assistance for the foundation of the Qing Government became shaky and it became impossible (for Mongolia) to bear foreign officials’ and ministers’ oppression and exploitation and their complete disregard towards Mongols’ interests, although it was necessary to get independent and protect Mongolia’s religion and land, it was very difficult to do so without foreign assistance” and to “appoint chin wang Khanddorj, da lama Tserenchimed and official Khaisan as the deputation”(Магсаржав 1994: 8). V.Lyuba, Russian Consul in Khuree noted in his dispatch of 22 January 1912 that sain noyon and Tushee gung, chuulgan darga of Tusheet khan aimak were closest to Bogdo and they along with Shanzodba assistant, junior da lama Tserenchimed played a special role in the decision to send the Mongolian deputation to Russia and in changing the situation in Mongolia. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.566, с.38) The Russian Consul also included Kharchin official Khaisan in the list of the persons who made a special contribution to the cause of the revolution. He noted that gung Khaisan had promoted the idea of Mongolia’s independence and appealed to all Mongolian nationalities to unite, for many years and wherever he had gone to, be it Harbin, Kyakhta or Mongolia.

The Mongolian delegation took a letter seeking assistance from Russia. It was signed jointly by Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu and the four Khalkha khans: Tusheet khan Dashnyam, Zasagt khan Sonomravdan, Setsen khan Navaantseren and Sain noyon Namnansuren. On this action, Korostovets, a Russian Minister in Peking said “the arrival on Russia’s territory of the Mongol envoys at their own initiative to be useful as a pretext for negotiations (with the Manchu authorities— O.Batsaikhan)”. Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.28)

M. Tornovskii noted, in this connection: “Bogdo the Venerable, could successfully hold, over the heads of their enemies, businesslike negotiations with the Imperial Russian Government to get an assistance for Mongolia. He managed to get the support of the princes and noblemen who believed in the possibility of obtaining their freedom from the Chinese with the Russian assistance.” He wrote that princes, noblemen and lamas met in Khuree in June 1911 under the leadership of Bogdo the Venerable. (Торновский 2004: 182)

The report of staff captain Makushek on the visit of Mongolian Delegation to Russia

Chin wang Khanddorj, decsendant from the Chinggis Khaan lineage, ruling prince of Tusheet khan aimak, lieuthenant general of the Chinese army. Wise, (Chinese) educated. Weak and irresolute. Therefore he have been appointed as a Khalkha Mongolian (86 khoshuns’) plenipotentiary representative in the Advisory Chamber in Peking. Has always been pro-Russian and has always longed for independence from China.

Khaisan, Major General of the Chinese Army. Indefatigably hard working, lectures on the right of Mongolia. Has worked last five years for the resolution of the Mongolian issue in favor of Russia. He is the main person who encourages the Bogdo Gegeen and has been instrumental in strengthening the position of the Mongolian princes to seek Russian protectorate. Urges Mongolia to rise up, considering the present a most opprtune time. Believes that Mongolia must revolt with clandestine Russian support and weapons.

Da lama Tserenchimed. (Advisor to the Bogdo Gegeen). Strongly pro-Russian, wise, cautious, devout buddhist, (Tibetan and Mongolian) educated. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.162-163)

The above description was undersigned by Staff captain Makushek to certify its authenticity.

The compostion of the Mongolian delegation shows clearly that its members were all educated persons and that they were pro-russian and supported the struggle for Mongolia’s independence. The word ‘Chinese’ is retained as was written in the original although it should have been written ‘Manchu’. The word ‘Chinese’ was then used in most of the Russian documents.

The Mongolian delegation, having presented their case, was waiting for a formal response. Soon the following response was given. The Russian Government advised: “... the preparation of the Mongols is not sufficient...Mongols’ aspiration to secede from China might not be materealized now...Russia truly wants the situation in neighboring Khalkha to be peaceful and favorable. Russia would support Mongolia to rule herself, ensure the stability of her internal situation and oppose to the Chinese penetration into Mongolia’s administration and military. A Russian Envoy in Peking would take an action so that the Chinese Government would not persecute the Mongolian delegation to Russia and those who sent them. The Russian Consulate in Khuree is being strengthened by two hundred soldiers and manchine guns”. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.110)

Meanwhile Manchu amban Sandowa ordered to arrest wang Khand and others and announced rewards to those who would help arrest them. He also had the Bogdo palace beseaged and ordered not to let anybody from the Russian consulate in and forbade Mongolian princes to meet with anybody from the Russian consulate. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.199)

On 3 August, i.e., two days after the Mongolian delegation reached the capital city of Russia and met with the representatives of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Council of Ministers of Russia held a special meeting on the Mongolian issue. The meeting defined the policy course that Russia was to adhere to on Mongolia. A secret telegram sent by Russian consul Lavdovskii a month later informed that 200 kossack troops and four officers, with two machine guns, arrived at Khuree in the evening of 2 August. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.204) It shows that the the protection of the Russian Consulate in Khuree was strengthened.
The first to arrive at Khuree was Da lama Tserenchimed. He came disguised as a Russian military physician. ((Ширэндэв 1978: 372)

Gung Khaisan informed Kotwicz through his letter of 24 November 1911 that Bogdo was presented with petitions to the effect that activities be promptly undertaken for the great cause and that the present opportunity should not be missed.

One Day in Mongolia: Summer by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm "Монголын нэг өдөр: Зун" 1905-1913 он. Даавуу, шороон будаг.  138 см x 177 см
One Day in Mongolia
Summer by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm

The political events taken place after the Khuree meeting held during the danshig offering to Bogdo khutuktu in the summer of 1911 and princes’ secret meeting held in the Bogdo mountain show that a provisional government was in effect established in Mongolia. This institution was formalized and was named a General Provisional Administrative Office for the Affairs of Khalkha Khuree on 30 November 1911, i.e., after the delegation to Russia successfully completed their mission and returned to Khuree. The office might have been called thitherto an assembly of many wangs, beises, gungs, zasags, khambas, shanzodba and da lamas who met earlier in Khuree.

The composition of the General Provisional Administrative Office for the Affairs of Khalkha Khuree included Tushee gung Chagdarjav and Jun wang Gombosuren as its head and associate head and commander chinwang Khanddorj, assosciate commander and hebei beis Gombosuren, wang Tsedensonom, gung Namsrai and Da lama Tserenchimed as provisional counsellors and executives. Also Tushee gung was appointed as the head of the Provisional Government. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.282) The establishment of the Provisional Administrative Office was necessitated by the need to declare Mongolia’s independence.

So important first objective of the Provisional Government was to restore and declare Mongolia’s independence, which it did on 1 December 1911 by and through publishing a Proclamation declaring the end of the years of Manchu rule and the establishment of the Mongols’ independence. A flag with a soyombo letter, a symbol of national liberation and independence, thus, began to fly in Ikh Khuree. (Сандаг 1971: 252)

Russian consul Lavdovskii reported about the declaration in his secret telegram sent on 18 November 1911: “This morning princes issued a proclamation. It declared Khalkha an autonomy” (Международные 1938: 178). Another Russian source, namely Avetisov, lieuthenant colonel of Russian Military Staff, Military commander of the Consulate in Khuree, wrote in his telegram of 1 9 November: “Yesterday Bogdo Gegeen declared Mongolia’s independence”. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.268). Autonomy in this context meaning the independence of Mongolia. Everything appeared to proceed according to his intention and under his leadership. It is possible to view that Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu fully controlled and directed this courageous step and all political activities taken place in Mongolia since the summer of 1911, organizing them skillfully and in complete secrecy.

According to the memoirs of Ataman Semenov (Semenov - Georgyi Mihailovich Semenov (1890-1946) was an organizer and leader of the movement of the White Guards of Baikal vicinity. Lieutenant general and ataman of the Cossack detachment of Baikal vicinity.) Semenov was in Khuree when the national revolution of 1911 broke out in Mongolia and ‘took part in writing the history of Great Chinggis Khaan’s state’. According to Semenov, he escorted Sandowa amban until the latter crossed Mongolia’s northern borders. He wrote: “I and my Cossack company were enthrusted by our Consul to protect the Chinese amban in Khuree.” (Атаман Семенов 2002: 18-21)

The above telegrams, notes and diaries show Jebtsundamba Khutuktu and the Provisional Government acted on expelling the Manchu amban and declared Mongolia’s independence without the participation of Russia. The activities carried out were not only a result of brave decisions taken in a timely manner. They were historical events that left a vivid imprint in Mongolia’s future.

His name is written as ‘Sandoo’, ‘Sandowa’ or ‘Sando’. He was born in 1876 in Hangzhou, Zhejiang province. His family name was Zhong Yi. He was a descendent of a family from Shuluun Tsagaan Hoshuu, Inner Mongolia. In other words, he had a Mongolian blood. He obtained a Chinese education from early on. He recieved the seal of Amban minister on the 1st day of of the second month of the 2nd year of the reign of Emperor Xuantong. Sandowa amban, after he had been given an ultimatum to leave in 1911 December 1st, departed from Khuree on December 4, 1911 under a protection of the Russian consulate in Khuree and returned to his native Hanjou through Russia. He was reported to work in the Chan Zuoling administration in 1920s. When the puppet Manchukuo state was established in 1932, he appeared to work in its administration.

Sandowa made special efforts to implement the new policy course and paid a particular attention to the Manchu Government. Special effort Sandowa made to implement the new policy course made the Mongols more apprehensive and compelling them to seek the cause of independence for themselves.

The Mongols composed a song when Sandowa amban was expelled from Mongolia. It was included by L. Dughersuren in his book on Ulaanbaatar’s History. The lyrics of the song reads:

“The stinky lanterns that glowed
Every evening, are burnt out,
Where is gone the notorous amban
Who commanded the masses” (Дүгэрсүрэн 1956: 46)

In his interview given to the employee of a Harbin newspaper ‘New life’, Sandowa said: “I was given an ultimatum that I and my officials leave Khuree within three days. After leaflets were posted on streets, announcing that the privileges and immunities of the amban and Chinese officials were not to be recognized after the said term.” (Харбинская газета “Новая жизнь” 13 Декабря, 1911 года)

Since the Sandowa amban of Manchu-Chinese was expelled, Provisional Government took the state power by the decree of Bogd Gegeen. The following statement was issued on the 13th day of the first winter month of the year of pig or winter of 1911: “Since the Provisional Administrative Office for Khuree Affairs had decided to establish (Mongolia) as an independent state and expelled Sandowa amban, we, six persons have now taken over his responsibilities”. (Сандаг 1971: 101)

The Provisional Administrative Office anounced the date for holding a great national ceremony for elevating Bogdo Gegeen Jebtsundamba to the throne as the Emperor of the Mongolian nation as an establishment of the institutions of the Mongolian state and government. The news were disseminated throughout Mongolia. The Imperial Russian consul in Khuree was also formally notified. (Үндэсний төв архив ф.4, д.1, х.н.136)

The Provisional Government of Mongolia organized a series of important activities such as expelling the Manchu amban in Khuree, proclaiming Mongolia’s independence, setting up state funds and enthroning the nation’s khaan who was an expression of her independence.

It was noted by Dilov khutuktu: “Eighty thousand lan mongu in total with contribution of twenty thousand lan mongu from each aimak were collected for setting up a basis for the state finance and the Bogd khaan had contributed from his fund two thousand four hundred ingots of silver, each worth of 120 thousand lan mongu to the cause of restoration by Mongolia of her newly established statehood, the declaration of her independence and conduct of state affairs”. (Дилов хутагт 1991: 8)

The Provisional Administrative Office for the Affairs of Khalkha Khuree issued on 1 December 1911 a proclamation on the restoration of the Mongolian national state. It was decided by the proclamation to terminate the use of the Manchu calendar with the reign title of Emperor Xuantong and use, instead, the Mongolian calendar of a twelve year cycle with the year then being that of white female pig. (Үндэсний төв архив Х.1, д.1, х.н.32) An another document sent on the same day instructed ‘each of the Tusheet khan and Setsen khan aimaks to mobilize 1500 troops and each of the 47 guard posts to provide 1 commander and 9 soldiers”. It also instructed “the Zasagt khan and Sain noyon khan aimaks to have their troops ready at the offices of their commanders and liberate Kobdo and Uliastai after princes and officials from Khuree arrived at the offices”. (Үндэсний төв архив Х.1, д.1, х.н.32) The Sain noyon khoshun of the Sain noyon khan aimag presented 1320 lan mongu in 1912 to express its felicitation on the occasion Bogdo’s enthronement. This khoshun contribute 5000 lan mongu to military uses and 2000 lan mongu to the repair of the Bogdo’s palace in 1915.

Chagdarjav who worked as a khoshun zasag and Chuulgan darga of Tusheet khan aimak, took a prominant part in the cause of the Mongolian National Revolution of 1911 and was one of those who initiated and led the national revolution. (Монгол Улсын шастир 1997: 18-20) He worked as the first head of the Provisional Administrative Office for the Affairs of Khalkha Khuree formally established on 30 November 1911. Tushee gung was the Chief Minister of Finance. He took part in the Kyakhta negotiations of 1915 as a plenipotentiary representative of the Government of Mongolia. When the Kyakhta negotiations ended on 7 June 1915, he returned to Khuree and a month or so later passed away under suspicious circumstances.

Erdene dalai wang Gombosuren Galsannamjil was one of the six persons who seized the state power from the Manchu authorities. He was born in the territory of Erdenetsagaan soum of present day Sukhbaatar aimak. He inherited in 1900 the post and title of a khoshun zasag and in 1910 became an assistant commander of his aimak. When Ochirdara Bogdo gegeen was enthroned in 1911 as the Emperor of Mongolia and distributed favors and presents, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister, Minister, chief Minister for Military Affairs and a commander of Setsen khan aimak troops. Монгол Улсын шастир 1997: 70-72) He passed away in the spring of 1914. It was noted in the archival source that “he died of a disease”. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А47, д.1, х.н.6, 1 дэх тал)

He was one of the six persons who seized state power from the Manchu authorities. He was an eldest son of zasag noyon Mijiddorj of Tusheet khan aimak’s Erdene zasag khoshun. Worked as Chief Minister of Justice. (Монгол Улсын шастир 1997: 21-24) Chinwang Namsrai was conferred on 30 July 1919 with a hereditary rank of chinwang for the second time for his five-year continuous faultless service in the Ministry of Justice.

He was born in 1872 in the family of a commoner belonging to Bogdo’s eclesiastical es- tate. He joined Bogdo’s secretariat (Shanzodba’s Ministry) as an assistant clerk and later on, promoted to a reception clerk of the Shanzodba’s Ministry. Before becoming a Da lama he worked as a clerk for Da lama. It was noted in one of the sources that he became Ikh Khuree Shanzodba in early 1909s. He befriended with harchin scholar Khaisan for several years and endeavored to make Mongolia an independent state together.

Da lama Tserenchimed is one of the six persons who seized state power from the Manchu authorities and established the Provisional Government of Mongolia. Bogdo, as the Emperor of Mongolia, conferred him Vice Prime Minister and Chief Minister of Interior. Since the Ministry of Interior led other Ministries, da lama Tserenchimed was the Chief Minister of the Government of Mongolia. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А3, д.1, х.н.23)

Dilov khutuktu noted: “Sain noyon khan and da lama Tserenchimed, Chief Minister of Interior were the two main figures who made genuine efforts in the cause of the Mongolian state at this time (meant the immediate post – 1911 period – O.B) (Дилов хутагт 1991: 14)

In his letter of 18 March 1912 to V.Kotwicz,F. Moskvitin wrote: “There are no knowledgeable people in Mongolia. Da lama is very stubborn. He is easily involved in the trivial. But it should be recognized that he is the best authority to be found in Mongolia.” (Котвичийн 1972: 178)

Korostovets noted that Da lama Tserenchimed took a rather tough position in the beginning of the Russo - Mongolian negotiations which led to the conclusion of 3 November 1912 agreement.

I.Korostovets singled out da lama Tserenchimed who was the most energetic from among the Mongolian delegates and noted: “The Da lama demanded, based on the Blunchleg theory of international law, that the result of their agreement reflect ‘all the territory, including that of Inner Mongolia where the Mongols live, should be under the authority of the Khutuktu.’ (Коростовец 2010: 56) And he continued, “The Da lama appears to be a most active and wise person out of the members of the Government here, or nomads of a primitive community who conferred themselves an honourable title “Minister”. He is our main, wise and cautious competitor. He is an honest and experienced person who is not corrupt and does not trust in others”. (Коростовец 2010: 26) I believe, his conclusion is quite accurate.

The Russian newspaper “Novoe Vremya” wrote describing Da lama Tserenchimed: “He is an iron-willed and very courageous person with inborn talents. He is also expeditious and sensible, but more nationalist than pro-Russian”. (Новое время, 8 Сентября 1912 года)

In the fourth year of the ‘Elevated by Many’ or 1914, the Da lama, Chief Minister of Interior passed away when he was traveling in two westernmost aimaks along with beil Sodnomdorj, Vice Minister for Justice in order to settle the affairs of the Uuld and Torgut people who were distressed because of Dambiijantsan’s activities.

Daily newspaper Siberia published an article entitled “Da Lama” in its 28 June 1914 edition. In this article, it was noted that more should be told about him for this loyal son of the steppe shouldered enormous social and political responsibilities.

Khanddorj was one of the statesmen who played a leading role in the Mongolian National Revolution. As decided by the secret meeting happened in the Bogdo mountain, Khanddorj, Da lama Tserenchimed and gung Khaisan were sent to Russia to seek an assistance.

In 1911, Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu conferred him as Vice Prime Minister and Chief Minister for Foreign Affairs. Khanddorj paid, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mongolia, the first high-level visit of the new Mongolian state to the Russian Empire in late 1912 and early 1913. It was noted in an archival source that he fell from a horse and died (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А73, д.1, х.н.139, 10 дахь тал) on the 7th day of the first spring month of 1915 (Болдбаатар 1994. Дэндэв 2006: 67).

Gung Khaisan was born circa 1862-1863 in the khoshun of Kharchin wang Gunsennorov of Inner Mongolia’s Zost chuulgan. He led a rebellian against the Chinese migrants who immigrated into Inner Mongolia. “Meiren and learned official Khaisan, governor of Kharchin wang Gunsennorov’s khoshun and Ochir Almas arrived at Khuree around 1907, met with Mongolian lamas and princes who were local authorities, condemned the cruel and tyranical policies pursued by the Chin state in their territories and discussed on how all Mongols would unite and become powerful and strong” (Магсаржав 1994: 6) He was one of the delegates who secretly went in the summer of 1911 to Russia to seek an assistance. He was rewarded by the decree of Bogdo khaan with the rank of Tushee gung for an active part in the liberation of Kobdo while he was appointed and worked in 1912 as counsellor to Jalkhanz Khutuktu Damdinbazar, Plenipotentiary Minister for Handling the Affairs of Westernmost Region. When troops were sent by the Mongolian Government in 1913 to liberate Inner Mongolia, he was appointed and led the second group of the troops who moved into Inner Mongolia in five directions. When Inner Mongolian princes returned after the conclusion of the tripartite Kyakhta agreement of 1915 between China, Russia and Mongolia, Khaisan joined those returning. He passed away in 1917 in his native land.

Russian Consul General V.Lyuba in Khuree included gung Khaisan in the circles of Bogdo khaan’s confidants and wrote: “Kharchin officer Khaisan is an unflinching agitator. For many years and wherever he went to, be it Harbin, Kyakhta or Mongolia, he has promoted the idea of Mongolia’s independence and appealed to all Mongolian nationalities to unite. He might be the person who made the greatest of contribution to this cause (Mongolian National Revolution of 1911 is referred to – OB)”. (Архив Внешней политики Российской империи ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.645, с.165) The Bogdo khaan “approved” (Үндэсний төв архив Х.А74,д.1, х.н.823, н.2) when the Ministry of Interior inquired if it would be possible to allot to gung Khaisan, its senior officer, a plot of land for living in an area covering 6 guard posts from Uyalga to the east of the Tsagaan us post in west of Khyakhta.


The Mongols formally proclaimed their independence on 29 December 1911. It was the culmination of the struggle they were waging at the initiative and under the leadership of the eighth Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu to get independent from the Manchu Ching state. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.388, д.2, х.н.33 64 дэх тал)

State Yellow Palace
The ceremony was held in a large, over ten lattice - wall gher covered with yellow silk with its ridges covered and sewn with blue silk and decorated with ornaments, nine types of jewels and seven kinds of offerings. (Богд хааны 2000: 59)

The Provisional Administrative Office of Khuree Affairs set detailed rules of procedure for the ceremony of elevating Bogdo to the throne as the Emperor of Mongolia. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А3, д.1, х.н.2, 16 дахь тал)

“The princes and chuulgan dargas of the five Khalkha aimaks, commanders, many zasags, khutuktus and khuvilgaans, shanzodba and da lamas, nobles, officials and taij - all arrived at Ikh Khuree.” (Монгол Улсын 1992: 9)

Time: The great ceremony of the enthronement started at the horse hour or 11 hours 40 minutes, which was found to be a very auspicious time (Котвичийн 1972: 102) and lasted until sun-set or about 5 p.m. If the ceremony continued, as it was said, from 11.40 a.m. to about 5 p.m (Харбинская газета “Новая жизнь” 4 Января 1912 года), it, then, lasted over 5 hours.

Venue: According to G.Navaannamjil (1956: 56), who attended the event, the state palace was a large, over 10 - lattice felt gher covered with yellow silk, with its ridges covered and sewn with blue silk and embossed with traditional and religious designs like nine precious jewels and seven offerings, set up in an empty space between Dechin Galba temple with a golden roof located inside Bogdo palace and Dorjvavaaran temple, the yellow fence of which had been extended to the north to make more space. The yellow state gher - palace was located in the vicinity of what now is Mongolian National University. Bogdo khaan, accompanied by his queen, proceeded to the state gher - palace from his two story winter palace (The Palace is said to have been built by Russians for the Bogdo khutuktu) on the bank of Tuul river.

The arrangement for the ceremony to start in the state gher - palace and continue with the offering of the mandala in the Tsogchin temple and end in the state gher - palace, was, perhaps, to imply the concord between the state and religion and the priority attached to state customs. (Гомбосүрэн 2005: 25)

The State Great Ceremony
In Ovgun bicheechiin ouguulel (Reminiscences of Old Clerk)’by G. Navaannmjil (1956: 59): “...there were so incredibly many people gathered in front of the large gate of the State Yellow Palace. Princes, officials, khutuktus and lamas in their official headware, jackets and variegated deels were standing in files the sound of firing by three cannons heard coming from the vicinity of the temple up.

When the Bogdo and Tsagaan dari came, all those gathered kowtowed and became quiet. Bogdo and his consort were sitting in a beautiful Russian yellow four-wheel carriage flying a golden flag. Eight attendants and lamas were carrying and leading the carriage. Before it high ranking lamas and escorts were marching in file. Two to three princes in black and wearing swords in red sheath were leading the group. Many guard troops, armed and in their fine uniform were walking in file along the sides of the road. When Bogdo and his consort came in through the central gate of the palace, all those princes and lamas followed them. All princes and lamas close to Bogdo were already in the gher - palace. Other princes were waiting in front of the state gher – palace”. (1956: 59)

As continued by Navaannamjil: “By noon was completed the preparation of a narrow wooden plank walks covered with yellow silk and extended from the door of the gher called Bogdo’s tugdam (tent-resident) located in the eastern section of the palace court to the back - rest seat with multi-layered cushion, placed on a high ceremonial platform with golden ornaments and supported by figures of four lions and located at the rear of the palace as well as to a gher - temple called Ochirdara”.

Bogdo khutuktu and ekh dagina, wearing expensive black fox-fur hats with thunderbolt buttons on top, colorful deel and speckled sable-fur jackets, slowly walked on the yellow silk walk prepared for the occasion. They were escorted by princes, soivon and donir. Three ceremonial parasols two with golden dragon designs and one adorned with peacock feather — were held above them from behind. The procession was led by a donir and a prince in black with a sword in a red scabbard. Bogdo and ekh dagina were supported with their arms by assistants and princes... Bogdo and ekh dagina, after visiting the Ochirdara temple, proceeded to the state gher - palace. Many khutuktus, khans, wangs, beel, beis, gung, zasag and taij, entitled to enter the palace, followed them. ... beis Puntsagtseren who used to be a Mongolian minister in Khuree, came out with a rather long document and announced loudly that a decree on distributing favors was issued. All the laymen and lamas, officials and clerks became silent and kowtowed. Beis Puntsagtseren began reading the decree. Bogdo was elevated as Bogdo, the sunshiny and myriad aged Emperor of Mongolia and the Tsagaan Dari as the Mother of the Nation. And the reign title would be ‘Elevated by Many’ and Ikh Khuree is to be called Niislel Khuree. And the state of Mongolia was established and a great ceremony was held.” (Навааннамжил 1956: 182-185)

When Bogdo khutuktu is elevated to the precious throne, all princes and lamas should kowtow three times and at that time soeogos would bring milk and tea, which soivongs shall recieve and offer to princes and lamas who shall take them and line up to kowtow and offer good wishes. Da lama Tserenchimed shall offer, while on his knees, blessing and kowtow three times. After the speech, The toast in honour of the Bogdo khaan was raised by Chin wang Khanddorj and gung Namsrai, the seal was presented by da gung Chagdarjav, the diploma was presented by Sain noyon Namnansuren, Commander Beis Gombosuren, Mandala by Tusheet khan Dashnyam, Setsen khan Navannerin, religious service was conducted by khamba nomun khan Puntsag and vice khamba Sodnomdarjaa, Buddha’s teaching was quoted by Manzushir Khutuktu Tserendorj and Jalkhanz Khutuktu Damdinbazar, stupa - by prince nomun khan Jigmeddorj, Erdene khamba Luvsantserendgvadogmi, symbols of seven precious jewels were presented by Shanzodba Badamdorj, mergen khamba Dembereldash, incantation for long — life - by da junwang Gombosuren and mergen wang Anand - Ochir and blessing and good wishes - by Da lama Tserenchimed. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А3, д.1, х.н.2, 16 дахь тал) Decree on distributing Bogdo’s favors to the public and those who made special efforts to contribute to the cause of establishing the Mongolian state was decided by government. By the decree on distributing favors, favors of 3, 6 and 9 lans were distributed to every old person aged 70 to 80, 80 to 90 and 90 to 100 years old respectively. (Богд хааны 2000: 62) After favors were presented, a banquet was held for the participants. Toasts were raised and blessings and good wishes were offered.

It was noted in a Secret History of the Khaan: “since the VIII Bogdo was invited into the Khalkha land, seasons of the universe have become more pronounced and supreme tranquility - perfect, no harms of foreign and domestic nature and no untimely plagues and diseases have occurred, no agitated words have been used, fruits have been abundant, merits have been acquired in abundance and good fortune and happiness have spread everywhere with the bodies and faces of the beings turned brilliant” (Богд Жавзандамба 126-96)

The following was written in the Secret History about the enthronement of the Jebtsundamba khutuktu as the Emperor of Mongolia: “. . . the Bogdo was blessed by all Gods and was praised for being capable of overcoming the obstacles of the past, present and future with his good fortune increasing like the flowering of seeds and flowers for eternity. He was named a benevolent Emperor elevated by many”. (Богд Жавзандамба 126-96) The enthronement of Bogdo Jebtsundamba on 29 December 1911 was described in the following way: “The Eighth Bogdo Jebtsundamba khutuktu was elevated, at his 43rd year, to the great precious throne of the Wielder of Power in both Church and State on the 9th day of the mid winter month of the year of iron pig of the fifteenth sixty-year cycle”. (Богд Жавзандамба 126-96)

Lavdovskii, Russian consul in Khuree sent to his Foreign Ministry a brief secret telegram under reference No. 1234, dated 16 December 1911, which informed: “Today Khalkha’s princes elevated the Gegeen as Emperor of all Khalkha during a festive ceremony attended by many”. АВПРИ ф.Китайский стол 143, Опись 491, д.644, с.388) Russian consul informed by this short letter a news to Russian government.

Lyuba, Russian Consul General in Khuree noted in his telegram of January 1912: “If the history of the last few years of Mongolia is ever to be written, it will underline, with a gratitude, the brave and resolute initiative of the eighth Bogdo Gegeen who accomplished what the bravest minds could not even dare to contemplate”. According to him the khutuktu was the person who led the movement that brought about the freedom Mongolia now enjoys”. (РГИА., ф.892, оп.3, ед.хр.127, л.1, АВПРИ, Фонд Миссия в Пекине, Опись 1, Дело 316)

Continuing his remarks which are now preserved in archival sources, he added: “Khutuktu is, without doubt, the person who led the event that led to the independence Mongolia is now enjoying” (Ibid., Delo 316). . . Khutuktu, at this historical moment, has risen to the height Mongolia was at one time of her history, and having felt the will and intention of his people, decided to cecede from China (Manchu – Qing state – O.B) and sought an assistance from great Russia”.

Consul Lyuba added: “At this historical time, the Khutuktu acutely felt the wishes and desires of his people and decided to sever Mongolia’s ties with China. Having reached the pinnacle of his power, just the way Mongolia used to enjoy at one time in her history, he sought assistance from Great Russia”. (Ломакина 2006: 64)

The Mongols have proclaimed their independence. They have been aided by the chaotic situation the Chinese found themselves in.

If the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu could become an object of veneration of the Mongolian national religion before 1911, he, surely became, after the National Revolution of 1911, not only spiritual but also political leader, a ruler of the Mongols, in the true sense of the word. He is the father of the national revolution which marked the revival of the Mongols.

It is a day Mongolia restored her statehood and proclaimed formally to the world at large her independence and sovereignty. I view this action a special and historic event in the life of the Mongols in the last 300 years. It is appropriate to view this day as the day when the foundation of the state established by the Chinggis khaan of Mongolia was restored.

The one main reason this 1911 revolution succeeded is every Mongol people united by their nationalist idealogy and surrounded their own religous leader which led to historical achievement.

The Mongolian National Revolution of 1911 ought, in terms of its historic significance, to occupy a special place in the life of the Mongols as it restored the foundation of the Mongolian statehood and laid down the basis for both the further existence of the Mongolian nation and the promotion of the national tradition, customs and culture of the Mongols. Thus, the leader of the National Revolution of 1911, Bogdo Emperor ought to be named as the founder of the revival of the modern Mongols.

In his letter of 20 January 1912, to Kotwicz gung Khaisan noted that Bogdo gegeen had been elevated on 16 December (29 December - O.Batsaikhan) as the Emperor of Mongolia and wrote: “Our dream came true thanks to the forceful favour of the White Tsari and the support of all of you. All of us, laymen and lamas, are very delighted”.(Котвичийн 1972: 116)

Some of the conclusions made by Russian scholars include remarks: “The establishment of a new relationship between Russia and her neighbor Mongolia following the latter’s establishment in 1911 as an independent state, was one of the achievments of the XXth century” or “The establishment in Mongolia in 1911 of an independent state created a new international situation in the region”. (Кондратьева 2006: 10)

Urgungoo Onon, an scholar, called Mongolia’s revolution of 1911 “the first modern revolution in Asia” and concluded that a brand new event had taken place in the continent with the liberation of the Mongols from the Manchu and Chinese domination and the establishment of their independence”. (Urgunge Onon 1987: 9)

I.Ya.Korostovets, a famous Russian orientalist wrote on 26 December (29 December — OB), i.e, some ten days after the declaration by Mongols of their independence, based on the information issued by the Russian MFA: “The Mongols, proclaimed in Khuree their independence, elevated Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, the leader of their religion, as their emperor and turned to Russia for assistance. . . . The Imperial Russian Government advised the Mongols to act cautiously and find a way of negotiating with the Chinese”. He added: “The Russian consulate in Khuree protected, through its mediation, the telegraph lines connecting Kalgan and Kyakhta, from destruction and the Daichin bank branch in Khuree from being plundered and provided support for Sandowa amban to safely leave Mongolia through the territory of Russia”. (Коростовец 2004: 166)

Soon after Mongolia proclaimed her independence, i.e., on 29 December 1911/11 January 1912, the Government of Tsarist Russia issued a formal statement on the event taken place in Mongolia. Although it contained no expression of support for Mongolia’s independence, it played an important role in informing the world of the event. It made the Government of Japan to kindly remind the Russians of their agreement of 1907 and seek a clear explanation on what was understood under the name ‘Mongolia’.

Kalhaun United States Ambassador to China sent an urgent telegram to Washington DC in the evening of 8 January 1912 and informed his Government of the proclamation by Outer Mongolia of her independence. (Болд 2007: 24) The Embassy of the United States sent to its Department of State several dispatches relating to Mongolia’s proclamation of her independence. More interesting one is dispatch No. 494 of 29 March 1912, based on the conversation of an American who spent that winter in Khuree and observed the ceremony of the proclamation by Mongolia’s Government. (Болд 2007: 28) The dispatch informed, among others: “A meeting attended by representatives of 72 khoshuns of Outer Mongolia proclaimed her independence and the Khutuktu was enthroned. The Government of Mongolia declared that it would ensure equal conditions of trade and investment for all foreign nations. The Khutuktu proposed to the princes of Inner Mongolia to join the Mongolian state. But he has not achieved success so far”. (Болд 2007: 28)

It was also noted in the dispatch that the cessation of Mongolia from China was largely caused by the arrogant and improper attitude of the Chinese towards the Mongols, while the Russians treated the Mongols properly and kindly. (Болд 2007: 28)

T.A.Rustad, a representative of British and United States Tobacco Company in China, who witnessed the process of Mongolian National Revolution of 1911, wrote the following in his letter of 5 November 1912 to Morrison, the correspondent of British newspaper ‘Times’ in Peking: “This was not a continuation of Chinese revolution against the Manchu Government. It was a separate revolution taken place in Mongolia”. His conclusion showed how influential was Mongols’ national movement. (Удо Б.Баркманн 2001: 6)

One Day in Mongolia: Bogdo Khaan's Winter Palace by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm "Монголын нэг өдөр: Богд хааны өвлийн ордон" 1905-1913 он. Даавуу, шороон будаг.  138 см x 177 см
One Day in Mongolia
Bogdo Khaan's Winter Palace by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm

World press reports on Mongolia
The following is what was reported in the world press about the proclamation of the newly founded Mongolian state’s independence and the state great ceremony held on the occasion,

The 1 January 1912 issue of Kharbinskii vestnik newspaper published in Kharbin, Manchuria noted: “The ceremony of elevating Khutuktu to the throne was attended by many Mongolian secular and religious people and was held in an atmosphere of much festivity”.

Newspaper Rech of St. Petersburg, Russia wrote: “Today is a memorable day for Mongolia. The elevation of Khutuktu as Mongolia’s King marks an end of a period when Mongolia was dependent on the Manchu Ching state”. Newspaper St. Petersburg vedomosti wrote: “The Khutuktu of Khuree, head of the religion, has become an expresser of indepen- dence of his nation’s religion and state”.

Newspaper Novoe vremya of Russia reported in one of its issues: “A celebration is taking place everywhere in Mongolia. A ceremony of danshig offering was announced to take place in every corner of Mongolia on 16 December (29 December - O.B). Slaughtering of animals was forbidden. Court ministers and other officials were ordered to wear Mongolian national deel”.

Newspaper Russkoe zname wrote: The significance of Mongolia’s independence is great. Russia is the country most interested in this independence (of Mongolia — O.Batsaikhan) for Mongolia is to be a buffer state between Russia and China. .. Now our armed forces should be sent to Mongolia. That would be the main guarantor of her independence”. (Русское знамя, 16 Декабря 1911 года)

Newspaper ‘Times’ of Great Britain, January, 1912 noted when reporting about the event: “Mongolia’s rebirth anew or more specifically her revival has become a reality in Asia”. (БНМАУ-ын түүх 1968: 424)

‘L Asie Fransaise’ magazine of France wrote in its 1912 February issue: “The new China is now free from Manchu oppression. As soon as this news reached every corner of the country, Mongolia, Tibet, Turkestan have set off to free themselves from Chinese domination. . . If the new China is legitimate, it should not disregard the aspiration of those nations. . . . The leaders of Mongolia took into their hand the affairs of their country”. (Франц 2006: 173) It added: “The lamas and khoshun princes encouraged by the lack of Chinese persecution, elevated on 29 December as their Emperor Khutuktu who resided in Khuree and had limited power. (Франц 2006: 174)

An French Ambassador to Russia cited informed his Foreign Ministry of what the newspaper ‘Novoe Vremya’ had reported about the unfolding revolution in Mongolia, namely, of the following: “The severance of the bond that tied Mongolia to the Manchu Empire and her separation from the latter due to her national movement have to do with the revival and development of nationalistic ideas and the causes that led to a revolution in Chinese provinces”. He added: “It should be noted, Mongols are different from the Manchu and Chinese in terms of their language and customs”. (Франц 2006: 159)

E.T.Williams of the United States noted: “This revolution provided the Mongols a golden opportunity”. (The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 10, No. 4. (Oct., 1916), pp. 798-808) He wrote that on this 28th day of December 1911, Khutuktu was elevated to the throne and a great ceremony was held”.

A French Consul in Manchuria wrote in his dispatch to his Ambassador MAContido in Peking: “The Russian diplomatic activity towards Outer Mongolia seeks to make her an independent state so that this vast land can play the role of a buffer state”. (Франц 2006: 179) He sited what General Martynov, Commander of the Russian troops in Manchuria, said: “We needed to occupy this country to protect Siberia”. (Франц 2006: 179) The French newspaper ‘Matinee’ mentioned when informing of the issue of Mongolia: “Russia stated that it would join the four-power (the US, Britain, France and Germany) association on providing loan to China, if her special rights in Mongolia and Manchuria are recognized. (Франц 2006: 179)

Having proclaimed her independence, Mongolia became one of the first independent nations born in early 20th century and her independence – a reality. A nation-wide state ceremony took place in Mongolia on this day

The historic event, the proclamation of independence was celebrated nationwide in Mongolia. The following depicts how it was celebrated, for example, in the town of Uliastai. “Since it was a day of great celebration of the establishment of an independent Mongolian nation and a new Government and the elevation of Bogdo Jebtsundamba lama to the precious throne as the khaan of the nation, civil and military officials like daichin wang Gurgumjav, the Mongolian minister of the town, commander ilden gung Gombosuren, on — duty assistant of four aimaks, officials, zasags and and officials for the administrations of police, the military and public livestock, as well as many laymen gathered at the office of the Mongolian minister, set up tables for incense and held service, kowtowing in the direction of Niislel Khuree, nine times and prostrating three time. The ceremony, thus, held and tea and food offered to the public, daichin wang Gurgumjav, the Mongolian minister of the town and commander ilden gung Gombosuren along with other civil and military officials had a few Mongolian armed troops filed up in the downtown area, projecting a force. When they rode directly to the door of the main office of the Manchu commander, after having passed with shouts and chants through the south gate of the town, Guin, the Manchu commander, was scared stiff and kneeled down. He was puffing and panting”. (Монгол Улсын 1992: 14)

A Russian merchant Kornakova wrote: “At 11 a.m. of 16 December 1911 (By Russian old calendar-O.B) or the glorious day of Bogdo gegeen’s enthronement, I saw Mongolian cavaliers coming. It was the first time I was seeing Mongolian cavaliers. It was a platoon of 80 cavaliers. They lighted candles . . . and at 12 hours and 1 minute all kneeled down at the same time and kowtowed three times and fired a salute”. (Корнакова 1912: 23-24) She added: “When the Mongols living along the Eroo river valleys got the news of Bogdo gegeen’s elevation as the khaan of all Mongolia, they prayed with tears of joy”. (Корнакова 1912: 32)

Newspaper “Kharbinskii Vestnik” reported: “At 12 noon of the day Bogdo gegeen was enthroned, the Mongolian border guards went to the Geser temple in Maimaachin and held a service dedicated to their new khaan. They set up a small board with golden inscription “A table to be attended by the myriad — aged khaan of the Mongolian nation” and burned insences before it . . . and bowed nine times”. (Харбинский вестник, 19 Декабря, 1911 года)

As noted in archival sources, a decree was issued in 1912, which underlined the importance of holding religious services and performing meritorious acts on the day of Bogdo khaan’s enthronement and the establishment of the Mongolian state. It tasked to annually hold on the 9th day of mid winter month danshig ceremony and prayer services, burn candles and incenses, make offerings in Buddha’s worship, perform meritorious acts according to one’s abilities and possibilities and show compassion and mercy towards sentient be- ings”. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А3, д.1, х.н.293, нугалбар 7)

The first state ceremony was held in December 1912 on the occasion of independence day and Khutuktu’s enthronement. It was noted: “When Bogdo khaan and his queen rode in their golden carriage to their palace in the town, people on their way kowtowed to show their respect. They were met by high ranking lamas outside the state palace and were welcomed into the palace”. (Коростовец 2004: 313)

The independence day was celebrated as a National Day each and every year on 29 December from 1912 to 1922 when the People’s Government of Mongolia took a decision on revising the date for the celebration of national day at the proposal of the Central Committee of the People’s Party. The following was stated in the decision: “During the period of autonomous Government the National Day was celebrated on the 9th day of every mid winter month. Since our people’s voluntary army drove out foreign enemies in the last summer month of the 11th year of ‘Elevated by Many’, took Niislel Khuree, disbanded the old despotic Government, elevated Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu lama as a limited monarch and established people’s Government, our National Day ought to be annually celebrated on the 6th day of the last summer month”. (Магсаржав 1994: 241) In other words state naadam festivities took place on 29 December every year from 1912 to 1922.

The views of Mongols
Let us now consider, on the basis of historical evidence, how the Mongols themselves received and viewed the proclamation of their independence. R. Bimbaev wrote to V.Kotwicz in his letter of 15 December 1913: “We Mongols have never been ruled by the Chinese who we hate. On the contrary we ruled them. As for the last two to three hundred years we were half dependent on the Manchu, with the duties of an ally. Now that the Chinese overthrew the Manchu rule, Mongolia separated herself, with the force of arms, from the Chinese and attained her independence”. (Котвичийн 1972: 284-285) He added that that was his understanding and that was the view of those who were Mongolia’s patriots. (Котвичийн 1972: 284)

Hanud Mujingaga, Teacher of a Foreign Language School in Tokyo had noted with a pleasure the restoration by the Mongols of their independence in 1911, in his letter that he had sent to Sain noyon Namnansuren, Prime Minister of Mongolia on 16 January 1916. He wrote: “Our Mongols were able to see the sun after wise princes and ministers in Mongolia consulted and established an independent state and elevated to the throne the Bogdo, the cream of the religion”. (Лонжид 2009: 6)

In one of the reports that the Ministry of Interior submitted to Bogdo khaan, it was noted: “Ochirdara Bogdo gegeen was enthroned and the Mongolian state was established to always exist and become strong and to promote our precious yellow faith further. An auspicious day like this has always been very important for the strengthening and promotion of both the state and religion. (Үндэсний төв архив ф.А3, т.1, х.н.293, нугалбар 7)

Objective of national revolution
According to Magsarjav the Witty, the Mongolian script teacher of Bogdo khaan, “The objective of Outer Mongolia’s initiative for independence was for all Mongolian nationalities to unite and create a powerful state”

Re-established the on one’s own Mongolia and Bogdo Javzandamba Khutagtu was given the absolute monarchy and was elevated as Bogdo, the sunshiny and myriad aged Emperor of Mongolia.

According to archival sources, it was planned to present to the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, as was customary in India and Tibet, seven precious jewels of monarchy (royal power) when he was elevated to the throne as the Emperor of Mongolia. As was noted in archival sources, the Bogdo was elevated to the throne and was presented with a crown jewel and nine white gifts. It, thus, appears that when the Bogdo was enthroned, both Indian and Tibetan traditional symbols of royal power and ancient Mongolian stately customs were applied in the ceremony. All this clearly shows the confidence of Mongolians to stay as monarchy. Thus, the seven precious jewels of monarchy, which was given to khan, has been given significant importance to authenticate the power of the khan. Mongolia’s khanhas supreme authority and where that authority is not restricted by any written laws, legislature, or customs. As a symbol of this power, jade and silver precious seals while as a religious leader golden seal was hold. Since Bogdo became absolute monarch, all the political constitutes or ministers were supposed to be appointed, resigned by him or any right to determine the taxes and customs were given to him. Only khan had an authority to command military. Even though the absolute monarchy was given, the western and preceding Chingu emperor’s laws were translated to Mongolian for establishment of customized law.

After the enthronement, Bogd Khan presented the Government of Mongolia with five state ministries and laid the names of the people in charge of the government as his first decree. Additionally in this decree, releasing of political prisoners had got included which could be seen as the empowerment of the forgiving emperor but also the manifestation of his right to pardon. The Emperor as a head of the state and religion was one of the symbols of state ceremonies that represented the royal privileges. Because there nothing above the Emperor to restrict his privileges, presenting thee royal privileges must’ve been done. In fact, the seven treasures of the kingdom, which were handed to the Bogdo Emperor, royal palace, royal customs, the traditions, the military demonstrations, and the ceremonies were directed towards it. Thus, emperor’s wearing, accessories and everything represented the emperor’s power and authority. (Магсаржав 1994: 33)

Seven Jewels of Monarchy
The seven precious jewels of the wheel-turning king, the Cakravartin king of ancient India, are multiplied on many supports: a wheel, a cintamani (wish granting jewel, a queen, a minister, an elephant, a horse and a general (hero). Those seven precious jewels were said to have been relied on by King Zagarvard in India.

Seven jewels of monarchy

1. “The precious wheel” is a wheel - jewel, self-created out of precious gold, which spreads the sound of dharma teaching as its turns.

It symbolizes the invincibility of a state, family and individual exposed to and enlightened by the light of dharma teaching. The wooden roof frame of the Mongolian gher has a shape of the precious wheel. (Сономцэрэн 1985: 94) When the Bogdo was enthroned as the Emperor of Mongolia, the precious wheel was made out of a cloth and sewn to the front of the jacket worn over Emperor’s deel. (Нямбуу 1993: 12) It could be understood that it represented one of the seven jewels of royal power. A soyombo symbol was attached to the back of the jacket. Since the Bogdo khaan was considered to be a reincarnation of the first Bogdo, Tall gegeen Zanabazar, the soyombo, symbolic script designed by Zanabazar was used. It was also to express that soyombo had become a symbol of Mongolia’s statehood. (Цогзолсүрэн 2003: 23-24)

The origin of the soyombo script, meant to express music notes and symbolize male and female principles or the sun and the moon, is related to the Indian Lanja script. (Цогзолсүрэн 2003: 24)

This poos, replaced the one with an image of five claws dragon, symbol used during the Manchu period and became the symbol of the new independent sovereign.

2. Chandmani is a magic, wish granting norbu jewel brought from a far-away ocean.

The jewel is fancied to be of two types: one containing three oval shapes and the other one containing five oval shapes. While the former is called cintamani, the latter - zendmene or norbu. Since Mongolia had a sovereign ruler, which was one of the most important attributes of an independent state, a great importance was given to the activities, practices and clothes of the khaan so that all of them were meaningful.

There were three seals for the Bogdo khaan: a precious jade seal presented to him as the Emperor, radiant as the sun and myriad - aged and the ‘wielder of power in the church and state’; a precious silver seal, and Lama’s golden seal used by him as a Bogdo lama. The use of the seals was regulated by a legislative act of the Government of Mongolia and represented the independence of Mongol while also meaning to show it has its own emperor.

There were inscriptions on the top and four sides of Bogdo khaan’s silver seal. They were written in the Mongolian script and read: ‘The sky (be) calm, the world tranquil, the state very strong and religion very holy’. They were meant to symbolize the eternal existence of the Mongolian nation and the promotion of Mongols’ religion as well as the blessing for the world to be peaceful and tranquil.

The grip of the seal had a shape of zendemene, one of the seven precious jewels of royal power. It stood for the realization of all the wishes of the Mongols, including their aspiration to exist as an independent Mongolian nation and live in peace and tranquility.

After the Mongols proclaimed their independence and the restoration of their state, they elevated the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu to the precious throne of the khan of the Mongolian nation and presented to him a white jade seal following the tradition of earlier Mongolian khaans who held jade seals called boy-bai.

3. Since a woman is not only a wife but also a mother and man’s reliable supporter and companion, a beautiful, wise, intelligent and faithful woman is essential in the way of human life. Therefore, a faithful queen who refrained from sinful acts and was always pleasing, was made one of the seven precious jewels of royal power.

Magsarjav the Witty wrote about this: “Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu lama was invited to take over and was elevated as the Emperor of the Mongolian nation at 11 hours of the 9 th day of the 11th month of the year of female pig according to the Mongolian calendar or on 16 (29 – O.B) December 1911 according to the European calendar. At the same time a disciple and precious girl, wise Tsagaan Tara Dondogdulam was elevated as a ‘Mother of the Nation’. (Магсаржав 1994: 11) Ekh dagina Dondogdulam featured one of the seven precious jewels of royal power.

Ekh dagina Dondogdulam was a daughter of Tsend of Jonon wang Tsogbadrakh’s khoshun of Setsen khan aimak. She appeared to be born on the 15 th day of the last fall month of 1874 for on this day the Mongols used to celebrate her birthday. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А3, д.1, х.н.23) There is an oral story that when the Bogdo was visiting in the 25th or 26th year of the reign of Guangxu the Amarbayasgalant monastery where the Ondur gegeen was born, he was attracted to and became close to Dondogdulam, handmaid of the queen of a grandfather of jonon wang Tsogbadrakh who was accompanying him. Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu secretly took up with Dondogdulam of Khalkha in late XIXth century and married to her in early XXth century and had her given a title ‘White dagina’. When the Manchu Ministry for the State Affairs of Outer Mongolia informed its Emperor of the Bogdo’s marriage, she was conferred by the Emperor a title ‘White Tara and Erdenesetsen (the Precious wise). Жамсран 1992: 166)

When Mongolia’s independence was restored and proclaimed on 29 December 1911, Dondogdulam, the Queen of the Bogdo khaan was elevated as ‘Ekh dagina’ and was presented with a seal with an inscription ‘The Seal of Ekh Dagina, Promoter of the State and Religion in Harmony’. The mother of the Ekh dagina was conferred by the decree of the Bogdo khaan on 23 February 1912 a title “Dagina who delights all” (Үндэсний төв архив Х.А74, д.1, х.н.18) and was paid a salary of one thousand lan mongu since 1913. (Үндэсний төв архив Х.А74, д.1, х.н.906)

According to German Mongolist Uta Sheune, Herman Giparich, who worked in 1920s as a vice consul in the German Embassy in Peking, met with Bogdo khaan and Ekh dagina, remarked that the energy of Bogdo khaan’s court had considerably weakened after the passing away of this smart, imaginative and brave woman. (Ута Шёне 2002: 9) I.Ya.Korostovets wrote: “The Ekh dagina was more uninhibited, polite and and smiled and approached my table when we talked”. (Коростовец 2010: 128) He noted: “Since she was (smart) and the Bogdo was weak because of his poor sight, his queen was said to have a great influence on him” and suggested that the Bogdo khaan needed an advisor after the death of the Ekh dagina in 1923”. (Коростовец 2004: 166) Ekh dagina passed away on 27 June 1923. Afte Queen Dondogdulam passed away, it was considered that the Emperor would need a supporter and companion, a young queen was chosen for him from among beautiful girls. She was Genenpil, daughter of Haruult tsagaan Aduut, a rich family in Jonon wang khoshun. But the Bogdo khaan did not live long with his young queen. He passed away soon afterwards. When the Bogdo khaan was still alive, he counselled, considering the situation of his health condition, that after his death, his young queen be returned to her native land with a wealth enough for her lifetime. It was said by her local people that the Emperor’s wish was granted and she was returned to her native land with a load of 18 carriages drawn by cattle.

4. One of the precious jewels of royal power was a brave minister who does not frighten the masses with a strict code of laws held sway over them, who does not bear with unjust adjudication of cases, without being driven by conflict of interests and who always seeks accord and consult with friends and is respected by all wherever he goes to.

5. A wise elephant was an another precious jewel of a state
The whiteness of his color appeared dazzling
For he rivaled snowy mountain colorwise
He frightened foreign foes away
Would not hurt others from behind their back
Encircleed the earth within hours
Bore the sufferings of thirst and hunger and
Carried so much of precious load
An elephant was one of the seven precious jewels of royal power, prepared for the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu when he was elevated in 1911 as the Emperor of the Mongolian nation. There was a ‘toy elephant (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.388, д.2, х.н.49, х.82) made for him out of an elephant tug. It had a precious zendmeni on its back’. The toy elephant is now preserved in the Palace Museum of the Bogdo khaan. Anthony Ferdinand Osendovski, a well-known Polish traveler wrote, after seeing Bogdo’s animals: “Various things and animals were kept in the palace of the ‘Buddha’ at various times, such as auto vehicle, musical instruments, a telephone set, crystal-ware, chinaware, paintings, rare animals, birds, an elephant, a Himalayan bear, monkeys, Indian snakes and parrots”. He recalled how he was entertained in the showroom of Bogdo’s precious articles. According to him, there were many interesting and rare things (Осендовский 2005: 251) which could not be seen in European museums such as pure golden bars brought from Bay Kema, Kemching’s black sable, an amazing antler, Indian diamond and Chinese ivory. Great traveler and scholar P.K.Kozlov noted in his diaries: “According to the tales of Khuree residents, Bogdo’s palace was furnished in a European style and had a piano. There was every precious thing brought from various corners of the world and sold to the Khutuktu by Russian and Chinese merchants. (Козлов 2004: 107)

To heed Bogdo’s wish to get a live elephant, one of the seven precious jewels of royal power, the delegation of Mongolia headed by Foreign Minister Khanddorj purchased, during their first official visit to Russia in late 1912 and early 1913, a ‘small grey elephant for 22 thousand rubles. It took more than eight months, from the spring to the mid winter of 1913 to bring the elephant to Kyakhta. He was mostly led, driven and transported through railway. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.388, д.2, х.н.33, х.84) Since it was winter and cold, it was decided to have the elephant wintered in Kyakhta and Danzan lama was sent to take care of him. To receive the elephant in Kyakhta and bring him to Khuree, a permit was issued to Buryat gung Tserenpil and four mounted couriers, to use ‘seven horses, a four-wheel Russian carriage’. The elephant was brought to Khuree in the spring of 1914, after a three - month journey during which he was mostly lead and and driven. It was noted in archival sources that 21 pieces of steamed breads, two pounds of Mongolian butter and three large ladleful jujube were spend daily for his food. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.74, д.1, х.н.1489, х.2)

6. A precious horse is another jewel for he is fair and tall
Perfect in power and splendor
Encircles the world fast with an enthusiastic amble and
A canter softer than a carriage
Comes to the liking of everybody and is the brightest
7. Admirably capable general is precious
For he holds an abundant treasury of gems
Of various value, beginning with diamond;
Supports and makes delighted all creatures
Offers wealth and is famous in all lands
Is not cunning and does not cheat nobles and masses
Is not boastful and does not oppress the lower classes
Is an imposing presence in his home and
Adventure is not his way of attracting.

An attempt was, thus, made to incorporate the symbols of royal power and the features of the head of an independent state in what the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, the Emperor of the Mongolian nation was to wear, such as the deel, jacket and crown.

Emperor’s throne
The back of the throne had nine dragon patterns and inscriptions in nanjuvandan letters. The thrones of the khaan and queen were kept at first in the state palace of Mongolia. Then they were put in the yellow palace called state tugdam (gher-residence). There were nine layers of cushions on the thrones. When the state yellow palace was destroyed with a fire in 1924, the upper back rest of the throne was salvaged. It was placed in 1926 in the winter palace of Bogdo’s Palace Museum. The inner frame of the back had carved out spiral patterns. There were nanjuvandan letters inscribed in the centre and patterns and carved out gilded figures of eight persons around. This design meant an assembly of ten magic letters of ancient India, used in the emblem of ancient king Zagvardi (the one who turns a dharma wheel) for Bogdo khaan was like a reincarnation of king Zagvardi elevated by many like king Maha Samadi. (Үндэсний төв архив ф.388, д.2, х.н.39, х 237)

State brazier
The brazier was placed in the state yellow palace and meant the hearth of the Mongolian state. It is preserved in the Palace Museum of the Bogdo khaan.

The Crown of the Bogdo khaan
The crown had five sides and a yellow brocade upper and a golden thunderbolt on its top. It was made of black fox fur, lined with red silk.

Bogdo khaan’s deel
It was Tibetan yellow brocade dress lined with a sable fur. Furs of 136 sables were used for its lining. It had a cuff and five gilded silver buttons.

The deel’s collar, upper front, upper parts of shoulder and sleeves as well as edges of their cuffs were embroidered with blue, red, white and green silk threads and framed with brocade patterns. The front and back of the deel were decorated with dragon patterns sewn with golden and red golden threads. Үндэсний төв архив Ф.388, д.2, х.н.39, х.108)

A Russian merchant noted that some 300 white camels and 2000 white horses presented to the Bogdo gegeen by many Mongolian khoshuns were tied up around the summer palace of the Bogdo khaan. (Попов 1912: 269)

State flag
Since 1911 the Soyombo has been made a Mongolian state emblem and incorporated in the state flag.
Dr. Sh. Soninbayar, Professor of the Mongolian Institute for Religion, recalled that Bogdo khaan favored the suggestion made by Boida lama Navaan-Yunden in 1911 that the soyombo be made a Mongolian state emblem and incorporated in the state flag. When the first State Great Khural was considering in 1924 the first Constitution of the Mongolian nation, Sereeter, a delegate asked what the meaning of the soyombo was and why it was incorporated in the state seal and flag. Prime Minister Tserendorj explained: “I never saw any explanation about the soymbo in books, but I heard old people say that the tall gegeen denoted by that a Mongolian sovereign state’”. (Үндсэн хууль 2004: 58 -59) Since 1911 soyombo has been incorporated in the state flag of Mongolia.

The state anthem
A “song of the Bogd gegeen” was composed in 1911 when Mongolia proclaimed the restoration of her independence. The song was said to have 52 lines of poem, consisting of metric divisions of 4 lines. In the lyrics of the song, the Bogdo was called an “Essence of Gods”. It contained expressions such as “All trust in the Bogdo lama with a devotion and worship”. A song “An amble mule worth of 100 lan” (A mule is described in the Buddhist Scriptures as a powerful and swift steed) appeared during this time, is considered to be a Mongolian national anthem of that time. A.Kadlets, violinist of the Marina Theater in St.Petersburg composed a melody for the lyrics of this song at the request of the Bogdo khaan. The song was spread as the Mongolian national anthem. The lyrics of this song read Цэдэв (2005: 184-185):

An amble mule worth of 100 lan
Will be used to draw a carriage
The Bogdo lama who is like a painting
Will be elevated to the throne of Tsongkhapa

The myriad aged Bogdo lord
Is staying in his yellow gher-palace
Many ministers who are supporters of the state
Have gathered in their peaceful palace

The sunshiny Bogdo lord
Is riding in his golden carriage
Thousands of his disciples
Have been insured by Him

Trumpets with golden mouthpieces
Gave sound in front of tents
The Bogdo lama who is a Savior
Will be elevated to the throne of safeguard

Trumpets with silver mouthpieces
Gave sound in front of worship places
The Bogdo lama who we dream of
Will be invited to the top place

Trumpets with golden mouthpieces
Will sound amidst tents
The many supporting princes
Will offer their danshig and mandala

Trumpets with silver mouthpieces
Will sound during prayers
Your eternal disciples
Will have their wishes granted through prayers

Let enemies and foes of Dalai lama
Be defeated
Let all blessed by the Goddes Tara
Live a happy life

Buddha’s Migjed Janraisig temple and statue are a great monument to Mongols’ culture and art created during their national struggle of the early XXth century. It was noted in sources that the work of creating the Migjed Janraisig statue of worship in height of 80 chi at the initiative and request of the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu had started on the auspicious first day of the sixth month of 1911 or on 29 May 1911 and had been completed along with an enclosing temple on 13 August 1913. It was also noted that the ceremony of their opening for prayers had continued five days. Thus, the statue of great Janraisig God was created and consecrecated as ordered by the Bogd gegeen and all in the four Khalkha aimaks and the shabi took part in its creation, contributing resources worth of 300 thousand lan mongu. The statue of the great god was 80 (25,6 m) tokhoi (elbow) in height and it was a unique item of cultural heritage in the world.

The reason behind the creation of the Janraisig statue was the landmark historical event of the restoration by the Mongols of their freedom and independence and proclamation of their state in the world. Obviously, the existence of a sovereign is one of the attributes of an independent state. The dedication of the Janraisig to the Bogdo khaan implies the symbolization of eternal strengthening of Mongolia’s independence.

The Bogdo khaan passed away after 11 years since the creation of the statue of the great Janraisig God. After 24 years since its creation, a period of repressing the population started and in the process more that 17 thousand lamas lost their lives and more than 700 temples and monasteries and thousands of Buddha statues and stupas, including the Janraisig statue, were destroyed. During the World War II, the statue was demolished, its golden, silver and precious stone decorations were plundered and its books and manuscripts were transported away. The main body of the statue was taken down and taken away by Soviet Russian troops.

On December 29, 1911, Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutuktu sat on the throne of Mongolia and stated the names of the nobles and the public, saying that the government had established with five ministries and ministers were appointed. (Дэндэв 2001: 125)

The government structure was a classic monarchy, and continued the tradition of sovereignty since the reign of Chinggis Khan. That is, the leader was simultaneously the emperor of the state and head of the religion. The Bogd Khan asked the Upper and Lower khural for advice, and the government consisted of state ministries, provincial capital administrators, and ministers and princes appointed by the emperor’s decree. The government of the Bogd Khan sought to respect the traditional Mongolian laws and Mongolian nationality, as well as to provide conditions for liberal living. Therefore, according to the decree of the Bogd Khan, the Western laws and the Old Manchu state laws were translated into Mongolian, with the intent of combining the national identity and traditions of the country, with western and eastern state institutions. Therefore, the translation work of Henry Wheaton, “Elements of International Law” (Tachibana 2011; Henry Wheaton 2006), which compared the laws of England and Japan, became basis of comprehensive legal documents that managed the relations of Mongolia’s state, administration and territory.

Even though Mongolia was a Buddhist nation, the regulations were such that the state ruler was above the religious leader. (Батсайхан 2014: 202). A Although it was absolute monarchy of government and religion, the parliament, with two sections (State Upper and State Lower Khural) was created in accordance with the law of nations, which rightfully allowed them to advise the emperor and serve as the bridge between the government and the people. It was not exactly the same as a Western parliament as the legislative body of a government, but the general form of discussing the problems regarding rules of law, could be interpreted as similar to this international structure.

The State Upper and Lower Khurals were created by decree of the Bogd Khan, issued on 30 February 1914. The decree stated: “Many powerful, rich and developed states of the world establish state khurals, appoint representatives, unify common policies, and become all-powerful by considering politics and challenges through the Upper Khural, and by debating issues of great importance for their countries in the Lower Khural. At this time, heads and representatives have not been selected and appointed for the state khurals. Since relevant ministers and officials all know and are able to know well the situation of and prospects for the country, the Upper and Lower Khurals have been established first.” (Монголын 1982: 149, Дээд, Доод хурал 2011: 27)

Eight-point regulations for the procedures of the State Khural were also adopted in 1914, by decree of the Bogd Khan. Paragraph 2 of the Regulations state: “Many ministers and princes of the Upper Khural shall consider and develop policies important for politics and report or take a decision on them. The Lower Khural debates issues . . . and submits to the Upper Khural”. (Үндэсний төв архив х.1, д.1, х.н.25). Since the Regulation stated that on some matters the “Upper Khural shall make a decision on them,” there was potential conflict with Bogd Khan’s power to act. Thus, the Upper Khural and Lower Khural were subject to advising the Bogd Khan, and thus the Governing Minister would be leading Upper Khural. In other words, this rule was to blur the line between Upper Khural and Government.

the history of modern mongolia 1911-2017

According to the Documentation of Laws of the Mongolian Constitution, ruled by decree, the operations of Government Ministries were ruled as follows:
Ministry of Internal Affairs: related to any domestic matters
• Keep records of rulers’ written accounts of inheritances
• Rules of the official government
• Any religious related matters
• Ceremonies
• State accounts
• Rules of law
• Contracts and Agreements
• Family accounts
• Storing maps of the country
• Matters of the countryside
• Ruling of the stations
Ministry of Foreign Affairs: matters related to communications and connections with foreign countries
• Matters related to China
• Matters related to Russia
• Storing co-signed international contracts or agreements
• Contributions to the decisions discussed between all ministries
Ministry of Military Affairs: matters related to military
• Propagate the law, military service, mobilization, assembly meetings, etc.
• All matters involving domestic policing
• Policing and enforcing the regulations of law inside Capital Khuree
• Examination of military weapons, practicing, and updating
• Examining and encouraging honored soldiers
Ministry of Finance: matters of any cases related to finance
• Anything to be supplied, fixed, serviced, stored, collected
• Bribing the state property heads and corruption in finance related matters
• Any financial declaration matters private or public
• Matters of renting the land of the country, appointing functionaries, and collecting and examining the leases
• Settling general customs matters, collecting customs duty from many places, rule on the rates, justify all customs rates in a straightforward manner
Ministry of Justice: Regulation of law by two sections - Justice and Punishment
• Investigate and judge the cases of murder, theft, adultery, and after the decision gets discussed and a confession is made, the case will be sent to the section for further procedures
• Investigate and judge filed cases from all areas of the country, examine the given case and excuse the innocent, issue a ruling on the matter
In addition to the above-mentioned five State Ministries, the Cabinet Secretariat of the Government, Religion, State Ministries and the Ministry of Customs were also involved. The law of the Mongolian Constitution, which stipulates the decree, clearly defines the purview and staffing of the five main ministries; however, in the case of the other ministries, it does not. However, the State Assembly office and its positions has been described. (Зарлигаар тогтоосон 1994: 55)

One Day in Mongolia: Bogd Khan's Summer Palace by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm "Монголын нэг өдөр: Богд хааны зуны ордон" 1905-1913 он. Даавуу, шороон будаг.  138 см x 177 см
One Day in Mongolia
Bogd Khan's Summer Palace by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm

In the Documentation of Laws of the Mongolian Constitution, management of personnel matters in the Ministry of the Military was decided. For example:

1. Cases of the military were judged first by the Minister of Justice and second, by the Vice-Minister who was in charge of the inspection.

There were three departments responsible for: ruling on military cases; aligning soldiers; and examining ranks. One officer was in charge, and two deputy officers and three local department functionaries were responsible for examining the cases. The Department of Military Adminstration had two officers for maintaining the documentation, four serious writers for spreading, defending, managing and applying the rules of the military, that had to mobilize, administrate, recruit soldiers and organize meetings. The Department of aligning the soldiers had to have two officers for maintaining the documentation, three serious writers for the responsibilities of domestic protection, policing, inspection and security of the capital Khuree, and examination of the military weapons, training, and upgrades. The Department of Examination of Ranks had two officers in charge for maintaining the documentation, three serious writers responsible for examining the cases related to military ranks, and reporting the cases.

Regarding the number of military troops of the Bogd Khan, in December 1911, Sando Amban, the former governer (or Amban) mentioned an interview that he gave a Japanese journalist in Kharbin while being expelled and running off through Khyakta and Deed Ude. In it, he mentioned: “While I had only 70 to 80 troops, the Bogd Khan had, with the support of Russia, about 1000 troops.” (Батсайхан 2011:68). After the Manchu police, the relay post service and the guards were demolished on the 22nd day of the first winter month of the year of the white female pig (around 10 December 1911), the Provisional Administrative Office for the Khalka Khuree Affairs expressed the importance of protecting the country and sent an official document to the four Khalkha aimags and the office of the Khyakta guards, whereby it instructed: “After receiving this document, review it very carefully and then pass it on to your khoshuns and order them to immediately send military detachments to the main routes of their khoshuns. If there are hostile trouble-makers roaming around, they should be prevented from penetrating here and should be chased away. At the same time, report immediately to our Office and keep your land safe and strong” (Үндэсний төв архив Х.1, д.1, х.н.32). Another document sent on the same day instructed “....each of the Tusheet khan and Setsen khan aimags to mobilize 1500 troops and each of the 47 guard posts to provide 1 commander and 9 soldiers” (Үндэсний төв архив Х.1, д.1, х.н.32). It also instructed “... the Zasagt khan and Sain noyon khan aimags to have their troops ready at the offices of their commanders and liberate Kobdo and Uliastai after the princes and officials from Khuree arrived at the offices” (Үндэсний төв архив Х.1, д.1, х.н.32). The Sain noyon khoshun of the Sain noyon khan aimag presented 1320 lan mongu (money) in 1912 to express its felicitation on the occasion of the Bogd Khan’s enthronement. In 1915, this khoshun contributed 5000 lan mongu to military use and 2000 lan mongu to the repair of the Bogd Khan’s palace.

Bogdo Javzandamba, enthroned as Mongolia’s emperor on 29th December 1911, gave as his first decree, the establishment of his government with five ministries. And the Ministry of Military was certainly one of them. The Bogd Khan, patron of religion, and wielder of power in thechurch and state of Mongolia said: “I have been supported and elevated by many to the throne as the Emperor of Mongolia, to always strive to spread Buddhism as billions of rays of sun, to make the monarchy as strong as mount Sumeru, and to have my Mongolian subjects always prosper in the culture of peace and tranquility. I will particularly promote the idea that all of you - from khans, wangs, princes and my many subjects - should uphold justice and truth and strive, with single-mindedness, for the good of the state and religion. I hereby decree to distribute favors and presents: to be conferred on beis Gombosuren, zasag of Setsen khan aimag, the hereditary title of ‘Erdene dalai’ (ocean of treasure), Junwang of the state, and present him with an orange rein and appoint him Deputy Prime Minister, Minister and Chief Minister of Military Affairs” (Богд хааны 2000: 62). The following day, or 30th December 1911, the Ministry of Military Affairs reported to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, since “the Ministry of Military Affairs was established after receving the seal from the Bogd Khan” (Гомбосүрэн 2009: 21).

Similarly by the Bogd Khan’s decree, Bazarvaani Sodnomtseren, Zasagt khan aimag’s governer, was appointed as “Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Military Affairs, who was conferred with the hereditary title of beis, hero and was presented with an orange rein.” Also Navaantseren Regzenpil, Zasagt khan aimag’s governer, was appointed as “Deputy Officer of the Minister of Military Affairs and had conferred him the hereditary title of beis, hero and was presented with a brown rein.” Dashtseren Tserendash, Zasagt Khan aimag’s governing earl, had conferred upon him the title of otgo and beis and hereditary title of Warrior. In this way, the Ministry of Military Affairs was established.

All the ministries and vice ministries of the new government expressed their loyalty to the Bogd Khan’s decree as follows: “....doing justice in-house, externally showing honor against the enemies like a thunderstorm, without avoiding the hard times, and for the sake of the Emperor who we will devotedly love. Thus sign our oath and word-of-honor as this is the most precious gem (as is an eyeball and abeating heart” (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А2, д.1, х.н.2, 1 дахь тал).

Mongolia’s Ministers of Military Affairs
1911-1914 Gombosuren Galsantsevegmed
1914-1915 Dorjpalam Manjbazar
1915-1919 Apr. Namnansuren Tugs-Ochir
1919 Apr.-1919 Nov. Jamyandorj Choisurenjav
1921 Feb.-1921 Jul. Bishrelt wang Dorjtseren
Military Affairs are also mentioned in the Documentation of Laws of the Mongolian Constitution, volume 2:

“Establish positions of: one Executive Minister of Military Affairs; two Vice Ministers; one Managing Officer; two Vice Officer; six Writing Officers appointed by the dependant ministry; ten serious writers; one Bookkeeper for keeping a record of the items of the Ministry; one Head Doorman and four Doormen; seven Messengers; four Firemen; one Exec- utive Officer for weaponary; one Writer; one Head Treasurer; eight Warders” for a total of 50 positions. In 1914, Military Affairs had 52 staff, a budget of 2451 lan mungu for salaries, and 13 lan for expenses, totalling 2464 lan mungu (Гомбосүрэн 2009: 23). In 1918, monthly expenses were 3269 lan mungu. (Монгол Улсын Засгийн Газар 2013: 13).

Structure of Mongolia’s Military Affairs (Батлан хамгаалах яам 100 жилд 2011: 29)
From 1911 to 1915, the General Officers to command all units of the troops of Khuree were S.Bazarvaani, Raashminjuur, Damdinsuren, and a Selnentojil. Puntsagravdan operated as a General Officer until 1919, after which a Vice Minister of Military was appointed from the Khujirbulan (officer school). (Гомбосүрэн 2009: 24).

In 1912, by the command of the Bogdo Khan, J.Damdinsuren and S.Magsarjav were appointed as General Officers for settling the far western areas, freeing the Khovd areas. G. Chagdarjav, D.Sodnomdorj and Tsesenjav were appointed as General Officers to command the troops of the far southwest areas in order to defend the khoshuus of Inner Mongolia, by fighting against the Chinese troops. J.Damdinsuren and Murangaa were appointed as General Officers to command troops of the far south areas, and Dorjtseren, L.Sumiya and Bavuujav were appointed as General Officers to command the troops of the far southeast area.

Aimag Commander Offices
There were four aimags of Khalkha and two Dorvod aimags, each with a chuulgan darga; each aimag had their own Commander. The military flag of the four aimags became the official military flag of Mongolia and the flags and symbols of many khoshuu, regiments, units of hundred, fifty, and ten troops were changed.

Regiment Flag
These flads had the following words on them: “Flag of Officials of the Front-Line Regiment to Show the Glory of Mongolia to the World.”

The foremost administrative sub-division of Mongolia, which was inherited from the Manchu era. In 1911, Mongolia had 87 zasag khoshuu in four aimags of Khalkha, and in Tusheet khan, Setsen khan, Sain Noyon khan and Zasagt khan aimags. Adding in some lost and additional aimags, there was a total of 92 khoshuu, including 43 groups of Ikh Shavi (the Bogd Khan’s retinue and students).

Bat-Yuruult togskholug dalai khan of east Dorvod and Unen zorigt khan of west Dorvod both had aimags which totaled 27 khoshuu. Khoshuu were ruled by hereditary princes. Also the Khoshuu Aministration had four positions: Executive Asistant; Zasag (ruler); Military Officer; and Zangi. The Zasag mostly operated as a military commander in domestic cases.

Sum. Military administrative unit of a Khoshuu. A Sum consisted of 150 men. Each Sum must have 6 Zangi and vice Zangi (сул хөөгч), and an Executive Head; 50 khuyag (armored) men; and one Zalan. The Zangi is in charge of all matters in the Sum. The Vice Zangi the Zangi in military cases and was in charge of 25 men. The 50 khuyag, or a third of the Sum’s 150 men men, had to wear armor to be in the troop.

Ten ger. The basic unit of military administration. The Head of the Ten Ger was in charge of it. One Sum must have 15 Ten Ger, which meant that in wartime, 3 men out of every Ten Ger would be mobilized. (Магсаржав 1994: 26)

The Military’s deity was the so-called Mongolian god of war Red Jamsran. From 1911 to 1924, Military Affairs deified the Red Jamsran, for the assurance of the government’s tranquility, since he destroys any enemy who stands against the government.

Military Affairs’ Holy Mountain, Bayanzurkh mountain, is one of the four mountains surrounding the today’s capital city Ulaanbaatar. This mountain was deified from 1911 to 1928 with the All Military General flag.

As stated in the ‘Documentation of Laws of the Mongolian Constitution Ruled by Decree,’ Ministry stations were established in Uliastai, Khovdo and Khyakta and from there, military cases were settled.

Volumes 37-38 of the ‘Documentation of Laws of Mongolian Constitution Ruled by Decree,’ titled Upper, Middle and Lower Military Justice, provide detailed rules to be obeyed and legal restrictions regarding all matters relating to Military cases, such as mobilization, and the body of laws governing members of armed forces.

Expenses of the Mongolian Military. The Document of Mongolia’s Yearly Budget, which was approved by Prime Minister Namnansuren in 1916 stated: “For the costs of Military Pay, 68799 tsaas (paper) (Монголын түүхийн эх сурвалж 2013: 289). It was noted that one lan was equal to two tsaas. The cost of the Military was 21.3-27.8 percent of the total budget, which shows the concern of the Bogd Khan’s government regarding the protection of independence and concern for the khoshuu from the neighboring countries. (Гомбосүрэн 2009: 31)

Mongol Troops. There were 6 khoroo in the west and east sections of Khuree, each khoroo having 500 troops. For every 100 troops there was one Officer and for every khoroo there were two Commanding Officers. Positions of the troops: the front-line regime of the Tusheet khan was in the corner of Khujirt; three regiments of Setsen khan aimak were in the north of corner of Khujirt; a second and third regiment of Tusheet khan aimag were in the corner of Songino mountain; and 200 troops for the protection of Khuree were in the East selbe. This was key to the establishment of the capital garrison in Khuree.

Structure and Function of Mongolia’s Military. The Military of Mongolia consisted of Central or protective troops of the Capital Khuree, troops at the borders, and troops in the field. (Гомбосүрэн 2009: 37)

1. Central troops:
2. Border troops:
3. Troops in the field:
In the beginning of 1912, Mongolia had occupational soldiers, and established the first military school in Khujirbulan for cavaliers and commanders. A Convention between Mongolia and Russia, titled ‘On the Training of Mongolilan Soldiers,’ was held on February 3rd 1913 at Capital Khuree. Two military generals, 15 officials and 42 heads were sent from Russia to Mongolia to this Convention. It was agreed that 350 thousand tselkov would be deducted from an earlier amount owed (2 million paper), by which the modern military school was established in Khujirbulan, in the of Capital Khuree.

During that time, the Chinese authorities were suppressing the national liberation movement in Inner Mongolia through the use of force and were contemplating of invading Outer Mongolia. Given this situation, the Mongolian Government headed by the Bogd Khan, took a series of measures to protect Mongolia and its frontiers. Firstly, the organization and manpower of military posts and bases were strengthened with young people. Secondly, Russian military instructors were invited who taught the Mongols military skills.

To conquer Mongolia, the Chinese military authorities dispatched a huge military force in five directions: Chuulalt khaalga, Dolon nuur, Khokh khot, Bugut gatsaa and Bat khaalga. On the 26th day of the last month of 1912, G.Chagdarjav and manlai (leading) wang Damdinsuren were appointed Minister and Commander for Governing Troops, respectively, for the southeast frontier region. The troops commanded by wang Damdinsuren were divided into 5 units to confront and fight the Chinese troops coming from the five directions. Commanders of the units were appointed as follows: gung Sodnomdorj as Minister for Commanding troops for protecting the southern direction; gung Navaangombo, gung Khaisan and official Bavuujav as heads for commanding the troops for Dariganga direction; Vice-Minister Nasanravjikh as head for commanding the troops to be sent in the direction of Khoyor Sunid; Zutgelt as official for commanding the troops to be sent in the direction of the middle gung of the Three southern gungs; and beis Chimedtseren and Vice-Representative Zorigtbaatar Togtokh as heads for commanding the troops to be sent in the direction of Eguzur khutukt. It was reported that the number of troops dispatched the five directions toward Inner Mongolia was 7 thousand (БНМАУ-ын 1968: 471). On the 10th day of the first autumn month of the 3rd year of the “Elevated by Many,” the Bogd Khan decreed that troops should be dispatched to protect the closely related Inner Mongols. The following was stated in the decree: “No use in regretting if one misses an opportunity. Therefore, by this decre, I appoint and dispatch many of the Ministers as Commanders of troops for protecting and settling the affairs of the Mongols. Since it is beneficial to the cause of their protection, if areas of protection and settlement are fixed, the achievements and failures are made plain to see. I therefore order Damdinsuren, Chimedetseren and Naidanjav to proceed from Uzemchin and Khuuchid along the left side of the Yellow river and Sumya and Bavuujav to proceed from Avga and Khishigt along the right side of the Yellow river to protect the Mongols and settle the affairs of three southeastern leagues. Nasan-Arvijikh and Murunkhun should proceed from Sonud and protect herders and Tsakhar khoshuns and settle the affairs of the frontier region of Janchkhu. Chagdarjav and Galsandondognyam should protect and pacify the thousands of Mongols of Ulaantsav, Ikh Zuu, Alashaa and Khukh khot and the Torguts. Send this decree immediately and disseminate it among the public to ensure its prompt implementation: (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А2, д.1, х.н.129).

Meanwhile Eguzur khutukt Galsandash, Minister for Settling the Affairs of Southeast Frontier Region, kharchin gung Bavuujav and Nasanbaljir were making statements in their concern and anxiety that they would be unable to live with the Chinese on the earth and in the heaven if the Bogd Khan would not make use of them”.

The following can be said about the battles between Mongolian and Chinese troops, based on historical documents. The Mongolian ministers mobilized, on their way, many troops from many leagues and khoshuns of Inner Mongolia and advanced promptly to confront and fight the troops of the Republic of China. The number of Chinese troops was huge and they were well-equipped with weapons and ammunition compared to the limited number of Mongolian troops, who lacked weapons and ammunition. The Mongols had believed that one Mongolian soldier could fight against ten Chinese troops, because a Mongol was strong and brave, his horse was fast, they were powerful, they could endure the challenges of the cold, heat, thirst and hunger when advancing through both the steppe and mountains, and were steadfast in their efforts without shrinking or retreating, or without thinking of being killed. So they fought the Chinese troops, destroying them like rice being fried and grass being cut. Although the Mongolian troops suppressed and defeated the Chinese soldiers, the Republic of China reinforced the troops every time with more soldiers and weapons. The result was that the troops of both sides had to stay in the territories of their countries, with a frequent exchange of gunfire and occasional skirmishes (Автономи хэмээх 1992: 22).

Urtuu (relay-station)
Khyakta-Khuree 360 verst trade route, Khaykta-Khuree-Khaalgan-Hankou
Khuree - Sair water
Sair water - Uliastai
Sair water - Khaalgan
Uliastai - Khovdo
Uliastai - Dzinziliki
Uliastai - Ulaan gom
Khovdo - Kosh-Agach
Khovdo - Ulaan gom
Khuree - Dolon lake
The most important being Uliastai – Khuree.
When the Suets tunnel opened, the railroad through Manchuria caused a decrease in significance of Khyakta, Khuree and Khaalgan stations. (Московская 1912: 191)
The railroad to Khaalkan was still under construction. (Московская 1912: 191)
Roads from China to Mongolia:
Khaalgan - Khuree
Khaalgan - Uliastai
Khaalgan - Dolon lake
Khokh khot - Uliastai and Khokh khot - Khovdo

Urtuu alba (relay-station)
1. Base urtuu throughout Mongolia, to have 20 horses for transportation, 10 camels for transhipment, 25 sheep, 2 Zalan Zangi to be in charge of many stations, 2 Vice Zalan Zangi, 2 Assistant Zangi, 6 Zangi, 2 subordinate officers, 4 Vice z\Zangi, 7 Vice Huugch (chaser), 21 Huugch, 124 Guarding Soldiers, 210 Messengers. There were express special relay stations. For example, from Khuree to Sair water, there were 14 base (urtuu) stations in between; aimags had medium urtuu and khoshuus had navch (leaf) urtuu.

The Bogd Khan’s Government gave instructions to: “temporarily obey the then-former rules and laws for the cases of severe punishment. In the rare cases when a ruling on a case cannot be made, a new law should be made, since if the former law is not adopted, no case is solved until the new law is made and finalized.” The Bogd Khan’s government took many actions to restore the Mongolian state, including the creation of a national history and writing its own laws. Since Mongolia had previously existed under the yoke of the Manchu, the abolition of the laws during that timee was an indispensable part of its independence. Thus, the Bogd Khan’s government decided to convert Henry’s ‘Common Tyrannical Code ‘in the Chinese language, into a new customary law, and to set up a special commission to establish it. In the summer of 1915, the document was sent from the Administrative Office to Capital Khuree’s Erdene shanzodba and others. From this document: “On the second day of this year’s sixth month, the government and six other ministries altogether submitted a note to the Bogdo Khan: “This complete body of work has been revised from the previous verion, to be printed for spreading publicly and to be obeyed” (Эх сурвалж 2013: 292-294).

M.Petuhov wrote in 1939, criticizing the Bogd Khan Government that it “did not issue any law and regulation from 1911 to 1919, to benefit the people.” But according to the (in- complete) figures of archival sources, there were more than 200 laws, rules, regulations and administrative acts relating to this period and adopted by the decree of the Bogd Khan. Of those, compilations of the Mongolian laws adopted by his decrees amount to 65 volumes. The following is a list of titles of some of those laws, rules and acts that laid down the organizational, economic and legal basis for the state and government institutions and that regulated many issues affecting Mongolian life:

• Regulations on hay-making and leasing land plots to foreigners for animal pastures;
• Regulations on leasing land plots of the Bogd Khan for cultivation;
• On producing anew the military flags of the four aimags;
• On granting permission to the Ministry of the Military for protecting the country through mobilizing troops in view of the tense situation in the southernmost regions;
• Agreement between Mongolia and Russia on training Mongolian troops;
• Treaty of 1912 between Mongolia and Russia;
• Treaty between Mongolia and Tibet;
• The Trilateral Khyakta Agreement of 1915 among China, Russia and Mongolia;
• Rules on restricting the employment of officials of the Ministry of the Shabi and the authority of the great fund in other ministries and reporting and approving them in case of their employment in certain conditions;
• Notification to the Ministry of the Military on the mobilization of great troops and their dispatch via five routes to protect and settle the Inner Mongols who submitted to the rule of the Bogd Khan;
• Note presented to the Government of Russia, demanding that Russia consult with the Government of Mongolia first if it is negotiating with China on the Mongolian state;
• Agreement of the Mongolia and Russia on Russian veterinarians;
• Rules on informing the Ministry of Shanzodbaif judicial authorities are to summon and interrogate titled lamas, monks, commencing monks and clergymen who are attending religious schools and services, residing in Khuree, but who are subjects to their relevant religious colleges and aimags or junior lamas who are to attend religious meetings and schools;
• Decree on the establishment of the Upper and Lower Khurals of the State;
• Eight point rules for the Office of the Upper and Lower Khurals of the State;
• Rules on imposing fines in tsen instead of li for offences of violations of legislation but the sentences of which were changed to monetary compensation;
• Rules on changing sentences for stealing animals as well as death sentences imposed for stealing, with year-long sentences of imprisonment condemned to wear a cangue;
• Regulations for the State Property Authority of Mongolia;
• Regulations on restricting the modification and annulment by any state institution of rules and regulations adopted previously by decrees and their modification and annulment in case of necessity through reporting and approval;
• Regulations on annulling the payment by tribes, bahgs, family relations of the debts of the persons who borrowed from foreign and domestic lenders but who failed to pay their debts;
• Rules on prohibiting resale of meat and meat products;
• Regulations on prohibiting sale and purchase of goods en route to the Niislel Khuree for selling;
• Regulations on prohibiting purchase by well-off merchants of sheep, livestock, fat, hay and fire wood being en route from rural areas;
• Thirty two point rules on monitoring and punishing lamas who mix in places where laymen frequent and get involved in sinful deeds;
• Regulations on settling trivial offences like excessive drinking and gambling in local areas of relevance
• Accounts apportioning the duties of relay-stations and post guard stations being carried out by the four Khakha aimags according to the number and percentage of their newly ascertained livestock; and Regulations on equating Erdene shanzodba of Captiol Khuree to chuulgan darga and imposing livestock taxation on chief and vice chairpersons of tribes as zasag taij and zangi.

The list can be continued; it includes only some of the activities undertaken by the Bogd Khan Government to lay down the basis for Mongolia’s state and government institutions, economic development and improving people’s life, as is done in many other countries. (Батсайхан 2014: 354-355). Research and studies of each of area will certainly be helpful in establishing more correctly the history of this period in a more detailed and comprehensive manner.

Thus, the Bogd Khan’s government tried to nurture the crucial charactererstics of the nation to the extent possible, producing the historical treatise of Mongol princes and dukes ruled by decree (1997 Шастирын хураангуй) and Documentation of Laws of Mongolian Constitution ruled by decree (1995). In the process of making these documents, the Bogd Khan issued a ruling to obey current common law beginning from 1913, which was act of recognizing Mongol traditions (Баярсайхан 2004).

As we have seen, this might be considered a case showing that acts of international law were studied, translated into Mongolian and beginning to be applied in state government. Dr. M.Tachibana, a Japanese Mongolist, noted in this connection that since 1912, the Mongols had translated and applied a form of Western law called the Public Law of Many Nations. (Tachibana 2011.; Хенри Вытон 2006) Also Japanese, American, English, Norwegian and many more coutries’ constitutional laws and rules were translated into a special volume titled ‘Introductory International Constitution,’ and used in the process of making the law.(Үндсэн хуулийн 2009).

Taken in combination, the decrees, rules, and legal documents, prepared by the decree of the Bogd Khan, became the foundation of Mongolia’s political traditions and national constitutions, laying the basis for social communications for Mongolia to develop as a modern country, while still staying true to its traditions and its nature.

A detailed historical analysis shows that as early as the pre-1911 period, when Mongolia was still under Manchu domination, the issue of Mongolia was already in the focus of Russian foreign policies. There is a note that at the beginning of the XVIIth century, Russia sent nine expeditions to Mongolia. Also at the end of the XIX century, more precisely in 1893, P.A.Badmaev, who was as an advisor to Imperator of Russia wrote a proposal “About unifying Mongolia, Tibet and East China with Russia” and delivered it to Tsar Alexander III. (Даpевская 1994: 264) I believe that the fact that between 1870 and 1920, over 150 different expeditions visited Mongolia shows Russian Empire was interested in issues of Mongol.

The Tsar personally authorized a loan (Pоссийский госудаpственный истоpический аpхив Фонд 560., оп.28., Ед.хp.176) that Da Lama Badamdorj and Soivon Tseren-Osor, the Bogd Javzandamba`s secret representatives, had asked from the Russian government was also an implication of Russia’s interest in draw in Mongol toward herself in 1900. It is also noted Mongols went and asked for “advice and protection” from Russian consul during Russian and Japanese war in 1905. (Gerard M. Friters 1937: 168-189)

The issue of Mongolia was not only a matter of independence. On the one hand, some Russian politicians wanted to establish a line of demarcation between Mongolia and Manchuria and conclude an agreement with Japan; on other hand, other politicians proposed a rapprochement between Mongolia and China. Some Russian leaders thought that Mongolia and China should fight against Japan, while others concluded that Mongolia and China should be offered to Japan. This divergence of opinions prevailed after 1911. This is why archival sources contain different opinions concerning the Mongolian question as it was discussed during sessions of the State Duma. The Russian military establishment, which had suffered a defeat in the Russian-Japanese war, regarded the events of 1911 “as the most favorable condition for unifying Mongolia with Russia.” Thus they tried to persuade the government not to lose this opportunity. They thought that unifying Mongolia with Russia would bring great benefits, and explained that “there are Mongolians who themselves wanted to enter into the orbit of Russian influence and concluded that there will not be other solution than that of unifying Mongolia [with Russia- O.B] forever.” Among those who were following this line were Minister of Defense A.N.Kuropatkin and various representatives of the military establishment, such as Yu.Kushelev, V.Tomilin, Volodimerov, and so on. They wanted to extend the borders of the Russian state as far as the Gobi desert; Kuropatkin drew this scheme of new borders in his private notebook. The nationalist Volodimerov, a member of the Third State Duma, made the following critical speech in April 1912: “The Foreign Minister did not conduct a policy that reflects the national interests of Russia. We think that there will not be more favorable conditions to change these long borders which were established in a wrong way through the policies pursued by the Foreign Minister. It`s absolutely necessary to eliminate this triangle of land that intersects our territory, and now we just have the most favorable conditions for doing it.” At that moment, someone interrupted his speech by shouting, “It is not there, it`s not Manchuria,” but he did not pay any attention to this interruption. (Gerard M.Friters 1937: 264)

Russian Foreign Minister S.D.Sazonov did not support the opinion of the military establishment. He argued that the artificial change of borders was not in the interests of Russia, and pointed out that “historically Khalkha is not prepared to be an independent country. The reason is that there are no military, financial and state leaders. Complete separation of Khalkha from China may result for us in a [Russian] invasion or in losing it forever. That`s why we agreed to be an intermediary between Mongolia and China. The goal of our intermediary [role] is to reach a Mongolian-Chinese agreement that meets, on the one hand, the aspirations of the Mongols to maintain their independence, and on the other hand, the will of China to restore its integrity. It meets our goal to take into consideration the interests of the Mongols and simultaneously not to violate our good neighborhood relations with China.” Госудаpственная дума 1912: 2167-2171) V.I.Denisov, A.N. Arkady-Petrov, A.I.Leparsky and other representatives of big Russian commercial and industrial interest groups believed that “Russia must handle [well] this situation which is unique in history. We must recognize a keen desire of the Mongols to achieve their independence and help them and make | Mongolia] restored state under our protection, and that`s all. The import of Mongolian cattle is more important than the export of our goods to Mongolia,” argued the commercial interest groups at the Export Chamber meeting of the State Duma. “Mongolia must be a country that would supply Russia with nomadic livestock for centuries,” said Arkady-Petrov. (Денисов 1913, Лепаpский 1915, Аpкадий-Петpов 1912: 253-257)

Among those who were against the idea of a united Mongolia and favored transforming it into a Russian protectorate was P.N. Miliukov, a representative of the Kadet Party. He supported the opinion of the Foreign Minister that “Khalkha is not prepared for becoming an independent state,” and argued that if the Foreign Minister had decided to support the independence of Mongolia, “we shall support in a considerable dimension. We must understand that it may give a signal that Mongolia will be a protectorate.” The Kadet Party’s newspaper wrote in 1912-1913 that “we should not enter into disputes with China over Mongolia. We have no reason to transform Mongolia into a protectorate of ours.”

The representatives of the commercial groups trading with Mongolia had a different approach to this question. D.P.Pershin, the assistant of the General-Governor of Irkutsk and a close friend of a rich tradesman named I.I.Lushnikov and Popov, supported Sazonov’s program to establish an autonomous Mongolia under Chinese suzerainty. As Bogolepov and Sobolev put it, “We must understand that ‘Mongolia is for the Mongols”. Economic interests prevailed over political interests among the Russian commercial and industrial groups that wanted to monopolize the import of Mongolian raw materials. This is why they demanded from the government to obtain favorable conditions and exclusive rights for Russian traders. These issues were reflected in the Mongolian-Russian Agreement signed in October 21, 1912 (November 3 by new calendar of 1912) and in the Kiakhta [Mongolian version: Hiagt] Treaty of 1915.

The question of Mongolian independence was very objectively described by the Russian Mongolist V.L. Kotvich. In a letter he wrote to Burdukov on 30 December 1911, he noted: “It is very difficult to say whether the Mongols can defend their independence or not. I think that in the strict sense of the word it is rather impossible. If Russia helps a little bit, then Mongolia may gain such rights for some time. Probably, the Government of Beijing may have some rights, but only if China will not intervene into the domestic affairs of Mongolia”. (Буpдуков 1969: 265) In another letter written after his arrival in Mongolia in the summer of 1912, Kotvich continued: “Political changes do not reflect the life of people. The people are still very poor and in a hard situation. Despite the proclamation of their independence, the Mongols are like children without care.” The famous Russian scholar and Mongolist B.Ya.Vladimirtsov wrote in a letter of 25 June [1912 – O.B] to Burdukov: “Russia appears to do something in Mongolia, but in reality it does not do anything, being scared of the opposition of foreign powers, including that of Japan.” He went on to say: “Nobody in Russia understands how important Mongolia is for Russia and Siberia. No person knows about Mongolia and understands that Mongolia is not Manchuria. However, during recent years the Russian society seemed to understand this.”

Actually, the policy of Russia towards Mongolia was determined by the secret agreements reached by Russia and Japan in 1907-10 and 1912. These agreements divided their spheres of influence in the Far East. On August 2, 1911, A.A. Neratov wrote to V.N. Kokovtsev: “The principles of our policy toward the Far East are based on several agreements signed with Japan and the common ground created in Manchuria. Risking the main factor of peace and security in the Far East would be a madness”. The government of Russia was faithful to the principles of the agreements signed with Japan, while concluded a friendship agreement with Mongolia in October 21, 1912 (November 3 by new calendar of 1912), signed the Russian-Chinese Declaration of 23 October 1913 (November 5 1913 by new calendar), and concluded the Tripartite Agreement of 1915.

The aforesaid facts clearly demonstrate the interest of Russia in Mongolia and consequently its position in 1915. This was the real history. The results of the Mongolian national revolution of 1911, the question of Mongolian independence, and in consequence, the destiny of the Mongols in the XXth century were highly dependent on Russian policies towards Mongolia.

It is desirable to present objectively the external situation of Mongolia of that time, showing which countries supported the independence of Mongolia after its national revolution in 1911. At that time, Mongolia managed to sign international agreements only with Tibet, which, similarly to Mongolia, had just regained its freedom from Manchu-Chinese domination. Mongolia signed a Friendship Treaty with the Russian government in 1912, but the Russians had secret talks with China, signed in 1913 a declaration on Mongolian matters, and had their own engagements toward Mongolia.

Russia generally supported the attitude of the Great Powers toward Mongolia, but also wanted to take advantage of the situation, and conducted activities aimed at reinforcing its commercial and economic influence in Mongolia. At the initiative of the Russian government, a Friendship Treaty and annex commercial Treaty on 3 November of 1912 and the Declaration on Mongolian matters on November 5, 1913, were signed respectively with China.

These documents became a source for transforming Mongolia, ruled by the Bogd Khan at that time, into an autonomous entity under the jurisdiction of China and for establishing Russian economic and commercial privileges in Mongolia. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sazonov sent a letter to the Council of Ministers in which he wrote that “during the negotiations in Kiakhta, the foreign trade privileges in Mongolia and other key issues regulated by the negotiations were preliminarily defined in the treaties and agreements signed with the Governments of the Hutukhtu [the Bogd Javzandamba –The Khan of Mongolia since 1911- 1924 – O.B] and Yuan Shikai”. (Аpхив Внешней политики Pоссийской империи ф.Китайский стол. Дело- 663, с.158)

As one of newly formed independent nations of the XX century, the declaration of Mongolia’s independence became a reality. However, Mongolia’s continuing existence was not only depended on its domestic factors; many factors came into play in order to establish or reinforce the already-won independence and to be accepted on an international level. The period after the proclamation of Mongolian independence was characterized by the Great Powers’ attempts to extend their spheres of influence. Russia, Mongolia’s northern neighbor, actively participated in these efforts, and wanted to keep its old spheres of influence and obtain new ones. In China, Mongolia’s southern neighbor, the 1911 revolution overthrew the Manchu Qing dynasty, and the newly formed Republic of China sought to maintain its control over the territories once ruled by the Manchus. Under these conditions, the challenge facing the Mongols was to protect their independence and gain recognition from their two neighbors. (Дэндэв 1945: 106)

Once the Bogd Khan Government restored Mongolia’s statehood, it sent a telegram to the Government of the Manchu Chin State, namely to its Ministries of Interior and Foreign Affairs and to the Office of the Government, and notified them that Mongolia had become an independent state, annulling the powers of the Manchu Emperor. The telegram read: “As a consequence of the Mongols having existed under the yoke of the Chin state over 200 years in remote confinement, Mongolia turned into a closed dark place, losing opportunities for friendship externally and development internally. Unless Mongolia asserts its independence, it is inevitable for us to be divided and involved in military schemes. Therefore, and given the circumstances, we have kowtowed in the direction of Peking to get rid of the Emperor. As this territory in the East has been returned to its legal owner, we have elevated the Bogd to an Emperor, with Mongolia as the title of the state. From now on, it is proper for us to maintain and protect borders and keep proper protocol in our relations. We will conclude an agreement to end our union when order is established in the southern territory. It is important and necessary to know that everything has now changed. It has been said in the scriptures that the old is not eternal. This fate is accepted by the wise” (Дэндэв 1945: 108). This is the expression of the position of the new Mongolian Government on the further relations between our two countries.

But the Manju Ching state did not positively respond to this communication of the newly founded Mongolian Government, and it was not going to recognize its independence. There were, however, responses to this communication. The responses found their expression in an attempt to direct some of Mongolia’s wangs, gungs and high-ranking lamas against the country’s independence. Nevertheless, the Manchu Emperor was soon overthrown and the years of the Manchu domination were over. The Republic of China, established on the basis of the Manchu Empire, planned to continue the policies of its predecessor, and included Mongolia within its territory when it declared its establishment. In the Provisional Constitution of the newly founded Republic of China, it was stated that the Republic of China consisted of 22 provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, Tibet and Kukunor lake (Монголын 1999: 36).

A telegram sent in early 1912 to the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu of Mongolia by the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of China. It informed him of the abolition of the Manchu Empire and establishment of the Republic of China, ‘making the North and South a single family,’ stated ‘the impropriety of making a distinction among the Manchu, Mongols, Khotons and Baruun zuu,’ and demanded that ‘Mongolia not ignore the existence of the policies the Republic of China and abide by its laws and decisions.’ In the response sent by the Ministry of Interior of Mongolia, those demands were resolutely rejected and the following was stated: ‘The Mongols were an independent state from the very beginning and they became independent accordingly. The Mongols and Chinese have different ideology and religion and their language and script is also different. The Mongols were dominated by the Manchu state for over 200 years. The conservative Mongols and enlightened Chinese could not live in a ger as a family. If they would, there would be a conflict among them.’ It was suggested in the telegram that Mongolia and China ‘exist as friendly neighbor states and negotiate borders and ties, including in those negotiations a neighboring state as a witness’ (Магсаржав 1994: 25-27).

The establishment of Outer Mongolia as a state independent from China was rejected and prohibited in the telegram sent by Yuan Shi Kai, President of the Republic of China to the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu on the 28th day of the Lunar New Year of 1912. The following was stated in the telegram: ‘I was informed of the telegram. Outer Mongolia became family for us as a citizen of the Republic of China, being with us for hundreds of years. Particularly at this alarming time and when the affairs in frontier regions are not good, there should be no division among us. Since you, cherished lama, do show mercy towards all and are straightforward, you can explain well to all of your peoples the benefits and disadvantages (of the union), relieving us of doing so. Although the land of Mongolia is vast, its population is too small. The entire population of Mongolia is less than that of our smallest province. The economy of the Mongols is hardly self-sufficient and the supply of goods is not enough. At a time when a mature Mongolian man can not eat to his full, although he seeks it, it would be disastrous for Mongolia to establish its own authorities, feed soldiers, purchase arms and have to make other expenditures which would be ruinous. Where you can get such resources? If borrowed, it would be like holding a knife pointing towards oneself. It would be like inviting owners and being conquered by others. The religion that you adopted early on has a deep impact on you. Refraining from killing has already become second nature for the Mongols. The men of your many aimags do not know well how to use a bow and arrow, much less a sword and spear. You do not have guns and there should not be any talk about guns. If there is talk about battle there would, perhaps, be a little to believe in, much less engage in. Your authority, dear lama, extends to the Tusheet khan, Setsen khan and Sain noyon khan aimags only. I heard that there are people who do not follow you. That being the case, it would be very regrettable and too late if the people have to be miserable and needy and lose their faith and belief. It could be asked though, if there were Mongol and Khoton aimags that were close to Mongolia and not subject to the Republic of China, that were independent in the past one hundred years or more. Was there a time when their population reached one hundred million? It would be useful for politics if Mongolia would continue to maintain neighborly relations with China and engage in mutual support. It would be beneficial for both of us if we were united. If we go our separate ways, both of us would lose.’

In addition to such instructions, the President of the Republic of China sought through his telegram to threaten the Bogd Khan by: advising him not to leave Mongolia, which would be a regrettable situation; called on him not to be persuaded by false words and promises; and appealed to the Mongols to renounce their independence. Manchu commander Gui Fan, who was expelled from Uliastai also sent a telegram to Mongolia from Irkutsk where he stayed temporarily, to persuade the Mongols that it would be beneficial for Mongolia to follow China. (Дэндэв 1945: 116)

In his response to this telegram, the Bogdo Jebtsundamba lama, Emperor of Mongolia, informed Yuan Shi Kai, President of the Republic of China that he could not renounce, at their appeal, the independence of his state which was already established and proclaimed. It was stated his telegram: ‘Holding up one’s fame for wisdom is not a matter for short term enjoyment. I deeply respect and feel humbled by your sincere teachings brought to me recently by your telegram. Last winter when the situation was very critical for Outer Mongolia, its independence was proclaimed and they elevated me, Jebtsundamba lama, to serve as Emperor of Mongolia. Since there were irrefutable reasons and masses’ requests which could not be rejected, I accepted the offer, let the ceremony be held, and informed the Republic of China and other states accordingly. The establishment of the regime in Outer Mongolia this time was to confirm its original foundation and religion and the integrity of its territory. There is no other thing to hope for. There was no case of being persuaded by false words and promises. The reason was the suffering of the people under a despotic governance. It is true that it would be difficult for Outer Mongolia to exist as an independent state, for our population is small and extremely poor, and we do not know military affairs. If Outer Mongolia maintains its authorities at home, develops friendships with foreign states, safeguards and protects its frontier regions, and strengthens the foundations of the state, not only would we be complete, it would also benefit the Republic of China in your dealings with the North. Although I, the lama, do not possess inborn wisdom, I do know that the principle of friendship with neighboring states involves obedience before the heavens. I always strive to stick to this principle. If men are killed in both rural and urban areas and are let to suffer in the name of one’s land, there would be no mercy. Obviously, the great liberal Republic of China would not let that happen. The situation of Outer Mongolia being isolated but close to a powerful state is like a mound of eggs with nobody to assist it in its vicinity. Both joining and not joining are difficult for Outer Mongolia, sandwiched between powerful states. Unless we assert our independence, we would become the tragic image of an antelope being caught by a hunter. Mongolia’s independence cannot be renounced, its proclamation was already made known to the Republic of China and other foreign states. A cause once started cannot be arbitrarily paused. If it should be renounced, a state involved in this matter needs to be consulted” (Дэндэв 1945: 111). The following was stated in the letter that the Bogd Khan sent to Yuan Shi Kai, President of the Republic of China on the 9th day of the last winter month of the second year of the ‘Elevated by Many’: ‘If one is to inquire, the United States was under British control and they were both under one and the same king. Later on, the United States became an independent nation, concluding an agreement with Britain. Their ties were not severed. That they both became independent states was not harmful.” Thus the Bogd Khan, in his telegram to Yuan Shikai of China, explained the reasons why Mongolia became independent, reminding him of the historical tradition of the Mongolian and Chinese existence as neighbors, pointing to the possibility of their friendly existence and cooperation in future and rejecting the attempts of Chinese authorities to negate Mongolia’s independence.

After such exchanges of telegrams and letters between Mongolia and China, the Government of the Republic of China suggested in early April of 1912, through its telegram, for the two sides to start negotiations on renouncing Mongolia’s independence. The telegram read: ‘The disrespectful and impertinent regime of the previous Chin state was gone. A republic of five free nations was established.’ The idea of disadvantage and harmfulness for Mongolia being independent was repeated in the telegram, which instructed Mongolia to renounce its proclaimed independence and join the Republic of China. In response to the telegram, the Government of Mongolia firmly declined to enter into negotiations on renouncing its independence, once gained. The Mongols demonstrated to the Chinese that they would firmly stand for their sovereignty and national independence.

In addition to the above, since its formation, the Government of Mongolia had taken a number of steps to have its independence supported by creating a more favorable international environment and conditions. One of them was to issue a statement addressed to the world’s major powers. In 1912, the Government of Mongolia sent notes to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of France, Belgium, Great Britain, Japan, Great Germany, the United States, Denmark, the Netherlands and Russia informing them of the establishment of the Mongolian state. The following was stated in the note: ‘ . . . inform the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of your state that Mongolia, which existed from ancient times and preserved its territory, religion and traditions, seceded from the Chin state and established an independent and sovereign state. The Jebtsundamba lama, the head of the Mongols’ yellow faith, has been elevated to the throne as the Emperor of Mongolia, and weilds power in both the state and religion. With this, the reign title has been changed to the first year of the “Elevated by the Many.” It was suggested in the note that the two countries conclude a trade agreement and establish relations (Дэндэв 1945: 126). The Bogd Khan’s Government of Mongolia also endeavored to invigorate its foreign relations after the conclusion of a Friendship Treaty between Russia and Mongolia in November 1912.

The purpose of the Mongolian delegation headed by Khanddorj, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mongolia to St. Petersburg was to deepen and steer the relations between Russia and Mongolia towards strengthening Mongolia’s independence, receive support in uniting Inner Mongolia and Barga into Mongolia, establish Mongolia’s mission in St. Petersburg, meet with the state and Government leaders of Russia and receive weapons and financial support, meet and establish contacts with the ambassadors of foreign states, based in St. Petersburg and visit states such as Great Britain and France and establish with them friendly relations.

Although the Government delegation of Mongolia headed by chin wang Khanddorj was sent to visit Tsarist Russia and few other states in Europe, their visit was limited by the reception by Tsarist Russia only.

The Russian Government, however, received them and showed respect in accordance with the protocol and procedures with which they received high-ranking state and government representatives of other countries. It helped somewhat in enhancing Mongolia’s reputation. The visit of the Mongolian delegation headed by Khanddorj, Minister for Foreign Affairs to St.Petersburg this time was different from the one which he, Khanddorj and others made two years earlier to request for Russia’s assistance in toppling the rule of the Manchu state in Mongolia. It was the first foreign visit of the state representative of Mongolia that proclaimed her independence. Therefore the Bogdo’s Government paid a particular attention to the visit and considered it a Mongolian state visit of a particular political importance. The composition of the delegation headed by Khanddorj included Shirnendamdin, Vice Prime Minister, Tserendorj and Bavuudorj, Officials of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The Mongolian state delegation headed by Khanddorj departed from Khuree using courier services. They used sledges to travel from Khyakta to Udinsk (present day Ulan-Ude). They took a train from Udinsk and reached St. Petersburg in the afternoon on 4th day of the last winter month of 1912. They stayed there some two months until the 7th day of the middle spring month of 1913. During the period they paid a visit to the Emperor of Russia Nikolai II and Kokovtsev, Prime Minister and Chief Minister for Finance and met with Sazanov, Chief Minister for Foreign Affairs and other Russian officials and explained them the purposes of their mission.

Khanddorj and others, soon after their arrival, paid a visit, along with Shishmarev, former Russian Consul in Mongolia, and other officials, to the Chief Minister for Foreign Affairs of Russia, presented him a khadag according to the Mongol customs and requested them to arrange for them an audience with Tsari Nikolai II. During the meeting with the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Minister Khanddorj expressed a deep gratitude for the assistance provided by the Tsari the Hero and the conclusion of an agreement through sending a Russian Government envoy for establishing a lasting friendship between the two countries. He also informed that Mongolia’s king, lamas and the people all were very happy and sent them to offer the Tsari the khaan’s greetings and present him letters and presents. (Үндэсний төв архив., ф.1, д.1, х.н.105)

On the 16th day of the last winter month of 1912, the Russian side informed the Mongolian delegation that they would be received the next day by the Tsari and delivered Anna’s Precious Order of the First Degree presented to Erdene daichin chin van Khanddorj, Stanislav’s Precious Order of the First Degree presented to Vice Premier jonon beis Shirnendamdin and Stanislav’s Precious Order of the Second Degree presented to official Tserendorj and drafting official Bavuudorj.

The next day, that is, on the 17th day of the last winter month of 1912, the Mongolian delegation headed by Khanddorj took a Tsari’s train and went to the Tsari’s town to pay a visit to the Emperor of Russia Nikolai II. After offering their greeting to the Tsari, Foreign Minister Khanddorj presented him the letters and gifts sent to him by the Bogdo khaan. The following was stated in the Bogdo khaan’s letter to the Emperor of Russia: “I, the Emperor, offer You, the Emperor and Hero of Great Russia my greetings. My self, the officials, lamas and the people of our poor state are very happy that You, Great Emperor sent to our poor state your special envoy Korostovets for concluding a friendship treaty for our two states to enjoy a lasting friendship and our peoples – long and happy life.

We are thankful and strive for the reputation of our state to be enhanced and promoted. I hereby appoint Chin Wang Khanddorj, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister beis’ Shirnendamdin to present the letters and documents of the state and express our gratitude”. 12th day of the second month of the 3rd year of the ‘Elevated by Many’. Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А4, д.1, х.н.25)

The Emperor of Russia was presented with gifts such as several Buddha khadags, a complete set of back with a yellow cushion, an ambler with a silver saddle and reins, four amblers of good quality and the Empress – with an Ayushi statue and other gifts sent by the Bogdo khaan. The Emperor of Russia Nikolai said when he received the documents and gifts sent by the Bogdo khaan: “I am very pleased to receive the documents presented to me by the envoy of the Bogdo khaan after Mongolia had become independent. Long live the Bogdo khaan. I wish the state of Mongolia to prosper”. The reception by the Emperor of Russia of the Mongolian Minister for Foreign Affairs was an event of political importance.

The Emperor of Russia was well aware of the situation in Mongolia and instructed to accord to the Mongolian delegation the level of respect accorded to high-ranking delegations from other countries. Since Russia was one of the powerful states at that time, foreign states perceived the reception by the Emperor of Russia of the state representatives of Mongolia that just restored her independence as recognition by Russia of Mongolia’s independence and considered it an important support provided by the Tsari for Mongolia.

It was then reported in the telegram sent to the delegation from Khuree by the Office of the Prime Minister that the situation in Mongolia became tense and more complicated. The following was stated in the telegram: “A lot of Chinese troops entered the southern frontier region of our Mongolia and arrested chuulgan heads and officials. It became obvious that they would not abide by the agreements concluded between our two countries. Our Government is planning to dispatch 10 military units in three directions of south, east and west and settle the affairs of the frontier regions. Since the number of weapons and guns we ordered from Russia is not much, we requested the Russian envoy here to send us 32 canons, 65 machine guns and 10000 rifles and several military instructors in addition to what was already requested. Raise this issue with the Emperor’s Government so that a decision on this matter be adopted as soon as possible”. (Үндэсний төв архив ф.1, д.1, х.н.105)

Khanddorj and others met, after their visit to Emperor Nikolai II, with Sukhomlinov, Chief Minister for Military Affairs of Russia and Zelinskii, Vice Minister and General of Staff, raised with them the issue of weapons and military assistance, and requested them to have a decision on the issue taken as soon as possible. (БНМАУ-ын 1968: 475)

Meanwhile the 300th anniversary of the enthronement of Russia’s Romanov family occurred and Khanddorj and others took a part in some of its celebrations. A telegram sent from Khuree was delivered to the Mongolian delegation on 26 January 1913. It instructed the delegation to seek Russia’s protection for Inner Mongolia and have the 2 mln Russian rubles borrowed recently by the Government of Mongolia provided as soon as possible.

At long last some of the requests Khanddorj and other made on behalf of the Mongolian Government were accepted. The Government of Tsarist Russia agreed to provide the credit of over 2mln rubles and some weapons. But it did not accept their request for additional 32 cannons, 65 machine guns and 10 thousand rifles.

It was not possible for Khanddorj and others to achieve some of their objectives. For one, the Government of Tsarist Russia was opposed to the Mongolian proposal and plans to have Mongolia’s diplomatic mission established in St. Petersburg and to their visit to European countries like Britain and France. It should be noted, however, that the visit of the Mongolian delegation headed by chin wang Khanddorj. Minister for Foreign Affairs to Tsarist Russia was fruitful and of multiple consequences. The main outcome of the visit by Khanddorj and others was that Mongolia received certain political and economic assistance from Tsarist Russia, which was then one of the major powers of the world. The visit of Mongolia’s high-ranking state officials to Russia was a step that contributed to the closer relationship between Mongolia and Russia.

During that time da Lama Tserendchimed, Minister for Interior left for Tokyo to seek recognition for Mongolia’s independence by Japan and conclude friendship and trade agreements. This visit was not ‘manifestation of a conflict among the Khuree authorities on the choice of a state on which Mongolia could rely on’ as it was written in the history of the MPR. Mongolia then turned to any force and state that might provide assistance and support to her. Therefore she turned to the far away United States and island Japan. Da lama Tserenchimed’d departure for Japan was one of the manifestations of Mongolia’s search for balancing her immediate and long-term interests and obtaining reliable guarantee of protecting her independence from China. (Үндэсний төв архив ф.1, д.1, х.н.105)

Da Lama Tserenchimed and Gombosuren, Vice Minister for the Office of the Prime Minister left Khuree for Tokyo, using courier services. Minister Tserenchimed and others reached Kharbin. But they could not proceed further. They were not allowed to do so as a result of a plot by Russian diplomats and Japanese officials. Japan which had a confidential agreement with Tsarist Russia on dividing Mongolia, did not want to create a situation which might lead to a conflict with Russia or which might have a negative impact on her relations with Russia. Therefore, Japan did not directly support Mongolia’s request. Then Japan paid an attention to and received information on the situation in Mongolia and took a “wait and see” position in regard to her.

Russia and China signed a declaration in October 1913. It made real the threat to Mongolia’s national sovereignty and independent existence. With it, the words of Chinese threats started to turn into practical activities. The Mongolian authorities considered, in this connection, wise and proper to discuss with the Government of Tsarist Russia issues vital to the Mongolian state restored and seek its assistance and support. It was a demonstration of Mongolia’s hopes that the Mongolian authorities still had for strengthening their position through a diplomatic channel before the start of the Russo-Chinese negotiations and making the relevant issues to be discussed at the negotiations more favorable to herself.

The Bogdo khaan who considered the special importance of Russia’s support, involvement and influence on strengthening Mongolia’s external and internal situation, decreed and appointed a Government delegation headed by Prime Minister Sain noyon khan Namnansuren to pay a visit to St. Petersburg. The delegation visited Russia in late 1913 and early 1914. The composition of the delegation included 23 people with gung Tserendorj, Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, noble Udai, Chimeddorj, Vice-Minister for Military Affairs, drafter Tsogt-Ochir, interpreter Jamsranov, tall Gongor and others. Sain noyon khan Namnansuren met and held negotiations with the Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Finance of Russia. They also went to Yalta on the shore of the Black Sea and paid a visit to Tsari Nikolai II and presented him the Bogdo khaan’s letter and gifts as well as the Order of Erdene-Ochir conferred on him by the decree of the Bogdo khaan. The visit of the Mongolian delegation took place just before the end of the Russo-Chinese negotiations being held in Beijing. Sain noyon khan Namnansuren and his entourage left for St.Petersburg in October 1913 and returned to Khuree in early 1914. The purpose of the visit to the Tsarist Russia was threefold: first, getting weapons and financial assistance, secondly, establishing contacts with the representatives of foreign states in St. Petersburg and paying a visit to some of the European states to have Mongolia recognized by them and thirdly, receiving support from the Tsarist Russia and other states in uniting Inner Mongolia into Mongolia. In a way, they were instructed to raise and try to have addressed in a more specific way and at a higher level the issues that ching wang Khanddorj, Minister for Foreign Affairs raised during his visit to Russia in late 1912.

Some of the foreign states were informed beforehand that sain noyon khan Namnansuren, the head of Mongolia’s Government would take a business trip to St.Petersburg. For one, a reporter for British ‘Times’ newspaper reported on the pending visit on 26 September 1913: “Preparations are underway for a delegation headed by sain noyon khan, wang Udai . . . to leave for St.Petersburg in early October. It is viewed that the visit would be an event of special significance for the future of Mongolia’. (БНМАУ-ын түүх 1968: 495)

The Government of Russia received Namnansuren at a high level and accorded a deep respect and hospitality as Chief Minister (he was referred to in Russian press as the First Minister of Mongolia – O.B) of Mongolia’s Government and one of the most influential representatives of Mongolia’s aristocrats. In its report of 21 October 1913 to its high authorities the Ministry of Foreign Affairs noted: “If sain noyon khan would not be received at the same or higher level as was accorded to Khanddorj who came before it would appear an insult to his status of noble birth and would turn away from ourselves this Mongolian noble who is most influential at present and who has been loyal to us and expressed his readiness to follow our instructions.

The Russian side ensured that a particular respect was accorded to Prime Minister Sain noyon khan Namnansuren of Mongolia when he paid a visit to the Emperor of Russia. Sain noyon khan Namnansuren paid a visit to Nikolai II when the latter was residing in his Livada palace near Yalta at Crimea and presented him the letter of the Bogdo khaan and an Order of Erdene-Ochir ‘as sign of gratitude for great assistance since the establishment our state’. Through the letter a gratitude was expressed ‘for assisting and recognizing the independence of poor Mongolian state’ a wish was also expressed for the friendship between the two countries to strengthen. It was mentioned that (the Emperor) was conferred with the Order of Chinggis which was the Order of Erdene-Ochir of First Degree. The letter informed of the invasion by Chinese troops into Inner Mongolia and their oppression of her peoples and requested for assistance in exerting a pressure on the Chinese Government so that it would stop its aggression and providing, in addition to request for sufficient weapons and ammunition for protecting the frontier regions of poor Mongolia, an opportunity for Mongolian nationalities to be free from Chinese oppression and live in peace and tranquility. (Үндэсний төв архив Ф.А4, д.1, х.н.25)

The Emperor of Russia expressed words of gratitude and respect used during a reception of heads of other countries, offered greetings to the Bogdo khaan and indicated indirectly that he would support Mongolia. When the meeting was about to end, sain noyon khan was presented with Russia’s Order of White Eagle. When the Prime Minister was leaving Livadia for Yalta by a boat, cannons on the shore fired twenty times to bid farewell to him. The Chief Minister of Mongolia’s Government was so impressed with the respect and treatment provided to him by the Tsari that he concluded that the Emperor had been willing to assist Mongolia although his Government seemed reluctant to do so’. (БНМАУ-ын түүх 1968: 498-499)

During the visit the Russian side briefed the Mongolian representatives on the articles of the declaration that Russia and the Republic of China signed on the issue of Mongolia. Sain noyon khan Namnansuren and others rebuffed them. Moreover they sent notes to the Ministry of Russia and Embassies of 10 states including the Republic of China, Great Britain, the United States, Japan and Turkey, expressing the position of their Government on the Russo-Chinese declaration of 1913. The following was stated in the note: “Since our state of Mongolia has completely severed her bond with China, no ties established without Mongolia’s recognition will be accepted by her. Relations between Mongolia and China should be addressed by Mongolia only. (Mongolia) is willing to develop friendship with the Republic of China as peaceful neighboring countries would’. (Үндэсний төв аpхив. ф. а-2, д.-1, х.н.-14, 11-14 тал)

The Russo-Chinese Declaration of 1913 was a result of a secret plot on Mongolia by her two great neighbors. Therefore, the Bogdo Government of Mongolia sent on 5 December 1913 a note of protest to the Russian representative in Khuree, expressing its position on the illegality of the declaration.

As noted earlier one of the main purposes of the visit paid to Russia by the Mongolian delegation headed by sain noyon khan Namnansuren was to receive weapons and financial assistance in addition to getting support in establishing a unified Mongolia that would include Barga and Inner Mongolia. Since the Russians knew well the situation they suggested to sain noyon khan Namnansuren and others that Tsarist Russia would provide loans and weapons if Mongolia withdraw her troops from Inner Mongolia and take a part in the tripar- tite negotiations among Russia, the Republic of China and Mongolia.

One importance of visitation of Mongol’s prime minister to Russia was to ask financial support and to learn modern ways of governing the people and land from the great neighbor. When Sain Noyon khan met with Russian Ministries of foreign, military, trade and the head of Ministers council, stated second crucial matter next to the political matter mentioned above, was regarding the financial matters. Since the last loan of two million roubles had almost completely spent, he wanted to ask new loan of 3 million roubles. The Prime Minister of Mongolia, Mr Namnansuren requested the head of Minister Council Kokotsev to bespeak a support of money and weapons from mighty king of theirs until our country come to the senses. Kokovtsev was hesitant to give advance fee but promised to “work it out” this time. This is how financial problem of that time came to solution favorably from Russian Government’s side.

Mongolian Prime Minister Namninsuren expressed his desire to meet Foreign Ambassadors in St. Petersburg, and asked for help in this regard. But the request was denied because with explanation said: “It is not time your, Mongolian, to establish friendly relations with other countries” and “if not met ...act of humiliation”. Representatives of the Mongolian delegation wanted to meet the ambassadors of foreign countries in St. Petersburg, thus made contact with them by sending request notes and actually was able to have some brief meetings. Ambassadors who met Mongolian delegates did not say anything specific to them, did not reply to the request notes and never mentioned about the meetings later. (Дэндэв 1934: 90)

The Mongolian delegates were keen to take on a diplomatic step before the end of their visit to Russia, Namnansuren told Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs that he gave Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Tserendorj his official’s seal to stay him in Petersburg for the purpose of contacting Khuree. However, the Russian side did not accept the proposal of Namnansuren to leave the representative of Mongolia in St. Petersburg. So Prime Minister’s visit ended as he offered his valediction to the Russian Second Emperor Nicolai at the beginning of 1914 and made brief summary to the visitation after he also offered his valediction and gratefulnes to Minister of Foreign Affairs S.Sazanov, head of Minister Council V.Kokovtsev. Mongol’s Prime Minister Namnansuren met Minister Sazanov and said: “Our mission was not accomplished, probably because you have made a deal with China. Our country has been entrusted to your country and is still committed. However, “since we made our main proposal, when three countries meet” we hope you to stand by our side. (Чимиддоржиев 1987: 150)

At the end of the talks, the Russian minister recommended to hold the three-party talks in Khyakta and warned not to promote any enforcement of demand to unite Inner Mongol with Outer Mongol toward complete independence, but prime minister said no comprehensive answer. If Russian Minister was familiar with Mongol person’s culture and behaviors, he would’ve understood his action of rejection with no complications.

Sain Noyon khan Namnansuren said to the head of Minister Council: Our mission did not get accomplished restricted by the agreement between Russia and China. But the matter of “money and weapon” is accomplished, with nothing on hand. ‘We will always be trying to completely separate from China to regain our independence.’ For the reasons that our financial resource is limited for now, we will be taking customs taxations from the dear Russia’s exchanging trade for profit.” In return, the head of Minister Council Kokovtsev said: “since our country tries not to take taxations from your country, it is not convenient to one’s to take and one’s to not. We will return to you after we discuss this with the council. Establishing friendly relations with other country is not so easy for this time but for later. Don’t try to become big nation all of suddenly. Try to fully establish in the first place.” (БНМАУ-ын түүх 1968: 502-503)

All this was a manifestation and expression of Mongolia’s desire to regain the independence and to establish equitable relations with the world outside. This was the true repre- sentation of the situation during this time and only with the multi-layered policy operated wisely by the Mongolian politicians, we could preserved our nation and its soul.

A thorough analysis of Mongolia’s situation at that time shows that it was only Tsarist Russia that was favorably disposed towards and supported Mongolia. Obviously, the simi- larity of interests of both sides was one reason for this position of Russia. It was, perhaps, an objective requirement for Mongolia to accept the Russians’ terms and carry out her objectives to a possible extent. Sain noyon khan Namnansuren and others, thus, accepted, the terms and agreed to withdraw Mongolia’s troops from Inner Mongolia, receive a Russian specialist to be appointed by the Tsarist Government as an advisor to the Government of Mongolia and take a part in the tripartite negotiations among Russia, the Republic of China and Mongolia. In response, Russia agreed to provide Mongolia loans of 3 mln rubles and weapons and ammunition. According to the agreement between the two sides, S.Kozin was appointed as a Russian financial advisor to the Government of Mongolia for organizing effectively and monitoring the use of the loans to be provided by Russia.

The Mongolian side also promised to provide Russia a special right on and privilege for building through the territory of Mongolia telegraph lines and railways. Accordingly, the Tsarist Government of Russia provided Mongolia diplomatic, financial and military assistance and support. E.A.Belov wrote that by the end of 1912 there were 6 Russian military detachments in Mongolia to provide her security support. He considered the arrival of those troops in Mongolia as support for Mongolia’s national liberation movement. (Белов 1998: 119) Agreement between Russia and China in October 1913 was the real threat to Mongolia’s national independence and existence and many types of abstract talks that were coming from China became reality.

The early twentieth century was a time when powerful countries of the world were able to re-divide the world of influence into their domains. Our northern neighbor, Russia, actively participated in the development of this international policy and sought to preserve the then-had and acquire new landmarks.. Fall of Manchu and the newly established Republic of China’s intention to take over what was Manchu’s before caused state of Mongols, who recently regained their independence by the nation-wide struggle, to protect the newly gained independence and foremost to gain acceptance from two great nations.

The Government of the Russian Emeperor’s Government issued a declaration just after the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu was elevated to the throne of Mongol and the indepen- dence was declared since they had been informed of the Mongolian Revolution of 1911, its progress and results. Although this document is not directly supportive of the Mongol’s independence, this diplomatic document showed to the world about Mongol’s truth and contained information about how Russia views the event and how Russia and China are concerned with Mongol’s issues, and on the other matters.

The statement by the Russian government said: “The Mongols who proclaim their own independence and the enthroned their religious leader Jebtsundamba Khutuktu are seeking the support of Russia.” and noted Russia has responded to this request by advising “to move slowly” and “to seek soil to negotiate with China”. And the following documents said the Mongols have asked the Russian government to “accept the role of intermediary between the Mongols and the Chinese” while Chineses side asked the Russian Government to considers the possibilty of standing on their side when Mongols propose agreement. The Russian Government said ‘It is possible to accept the requests.’ The requirement Russian Government asked as the middle-man is to “keep possibility for Mongols to stay as establised nation,” and “the Chinese government not to refuse to violate this establishment” and “to express it in specific act (or contract).” The Mongols’ understanding of things China cannot do is these three things: Not to “abolish the Chinese administration in Mongolian land, disassemble permanent troops there, and resettle Chinese citizens in Mongolian land” and these three things should be the basis of an agreement between China and Mongolia. This statement indicated the Russian government did not considered the event of Mongols seperating and setting up an independent state as a the main objective of the discussion. Another aspect of the policy statement is the conclusion that Russians are only satisfied when Mongols are shown that Russia and China do not dissagree on the matter of Mongols which both China and Russia support. These conditions and grounds have been set up by the Russian Government and if they are accepted by China, the Russian diplomats will have to convince Mongolians of the importance of keeping their relationship with China and the importance of keeping their obligations.

The statement also said that “Russia does not want to interfere with the internal struggle of China”, “Russia has no intention of conquer Mongolia” and Russia is in a position to bind Siberia and that it is a “great interest in Russian trade” in this region, therefore, the Russian government has been very concerned about this area of land. If “Mongols ended their relationship with China, ... the Russian Government will be left with no choice but to make relations with the Mongol Government” (Гримм 1925: 178-179).

This statement of the Russian Government really showed concern over Mongols’ sovereignty declaration and was diploatic action toward fortifying their influence over Mongols.

First of all, Russia’s policy on Mongols in then recent years has been the basis of ensurement that the Russian Government fully supports the political situation in which the Mongols were dealing with.

Establishing a connection with newly-founded Mongols’ government and to continuously develop Russian-Mongol relations will help Mongols and be reason to be at peace. Demonstration of the total support of Mongolia was largely attributed to the potential for further expansion of Russia’s economic interests in Mongolia.

On the other hand, truth be told Russian Government was valuing their relationship with China as shown in the statement. In this regard, the Russian government has avoided to acknowledge the independence of Mongols, but they also proposes a role of middle-man during negotiation of Mongol-China which discuss the matter of Mongols. Freshly founded Mongols’ independence and the international status of sovereign Mongol was dependent on the reception of Mongols and China concerning this statement as well as how well Russian governemt handles the situation of being in the middle of these contradictory two countries, Mongol and China.

By the Foreign Ministry’s proposal, the special meeting of the Russian Ministers Council on August 2, 1912 decided to start negotiating a secret agreement with Khuree and to end their agreement on Mongols with China. The decision meant to avoid the recognition of Mongolia’s sovereignty, but the subject of the contract was only “Russia and Mongols” and the document of negotiation would possibly be a diplomatic agreement in line with international legal standard, so as for Mongols, it was significantly beneficial to lay a foot in international relations’ field.

The Treaty of Friendship between Russia and Mongol was signed in 1912, and it defined relationship of newly-founded Mongols and Russia. Appendix of this treaty provides a favorable legal basis for Russian trade in Mongolia. This has undermined the former relation- ship between Mongol and China and has enabled the Russian participation in the economy of Mongol.

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia Sazanov sent an instruction to I.Krostovets (Russian ambassador in China) who was going to make an agreement to the Mongol government on August 23, 1912, defined the Russian Government’s policy toward Mongol as “Try to not make powerful state, state which we border, military-wise” and listed following conditions to fulfill in order to implement this policy,

1. Recognize the Autonomy of Mongolia,
2. Restrain Chinese military in the area,
3. Ensure Khalkha not to be colonized by China” (Сбоpник документов по Монгольскому вопросу 1914: 1-2).

This can be seen as Mongols seperating from China was beneficial to Russia.

Treaty between Russia and Mongol which was started in September, 1912 was signed and compiled in full compilations with contracts of trade and relationship between them on 3rd November after two months of sides arguing. During the negotiations, Mongol delegates invited Inner Mongols and Barga people in order to persuade Russians to accept Mongols’ complete independence, but the opposition party could not satisfy Mongol’s request.

In the contract’s prologue, the former relationship between Mongol and China had been recognized as ended and Russia accepted Mongol as nation or state rightful to make contracts. Additionally it noted that independence of Mongol confirmed the legitimacy of “Empereor of Mongol and his government.” (Монгол Улсын Үндэсний Төв Архив ф.А.4,т.1,х.н.6, х.4) This was a great achievement for Mongols and gave confidence. The negotiations agreed on Mongol’s commitment to establishing a Russian trade market in the territory of Mongol and on the other hand, the Russian government promised to strengthen Mongol’s army, and support on suppression of any control or population of China that might come into Mongol’s territory.

On Importance of Mongol to Russia at that time can be interpreted that Mongol was the supplier of livestock and animal products in the Russian market as well as a source of natural resources for mining industry. Secondly, Mongolia has a special political significance for Russia. China was suffering from internal conflicts in this period and was in a struggling position to adapt to European culture. Based on the above-mentioned matters, the general direction of Russia’s policy toward Mongol can be seen, which is independence of Mongol government was in particular importance to Russia. Russian government had an interest of Mongol to keep as a buffer.

Although the 1912 Mongolian-Russian friendship agreement and the trade protocol have been identified as a focus on economic issues, this agreement is of particular importance to Mongol. The treaty between Russia and Mongolia did not allow the former relationship between Mongol and China to open its doors, but also allowed New Mongol to communicate with any other country in the world.

This agreement became the first legally binding document to determine the status of Mongol on international scale since the declaration of independence. Under this agreement:

1. Mongolia is a kingdom with the Emperor and government,
2. Mongolia reserves the right to build military force,
3. Mongolia is “self-determinedand self-contained”
4. Mongolia has chased out Chinese troops and authorities from their territory and has the right to exclude Chinese troops and nomads in their land,
5. Mongol is a rightful participant to agreements with China and other foreign countries and that the Russian government acknowledges that and will help them “keep it”.

Three days after the Treaty of Friendship Agreement between Russia and Mongol, the Russian Foreign Affairs Minister Sazanov officially instructed his Ambassador Krupensky to inform the Chinese government about the treaty. When Russian Ambassador Krupensky informed the Chinese Foreign Ministry on October 26, 1912, Foreign Ministry of the People’s Republic of China said in return “Russia has accepted the Mongolian government” and “the Middle East has not recognized yet” as a reminder. (Междунаподные отношения 1931: 227) It is a sign that the other nations around the world understood that the Treaty and Trade Protocol was signed in 1912 on the basis of the acceptance of Independence of Mongol from the Russia. Treaty of Friendship between Russia and Mongol established in Khuree in 1912 soon got published in USA and Japan also several articles on the significance of the treaty were published. For example, “The relations between China, Russia and Mongolia” by E.T.Williams was published in 1916 by The American Journal of International Law (The American 1916: 798-808 MacMurray 1921: 992-993) in USA. This article writes about the agreement between three great nations, Mongolia, Russia and China.

The exchange of papers and the contracts between Mongol and Russia increased the influence of Russia which changed the power balance between Russian Emperor and the Republic of China and soon both sides decided to make a regarding the issue of Mongol. It is important to note that this was succesful next step on Mongols’ side because china who always wanted to seize control over Mongol had to discuss with Russia about issue of Mongol at first. Plus, being considered as rightful participant to be a deliberate negotiator, enabled Mongol to contribute to the decisions concerning their own sovereignty and to stand for it.

The Russian Empire was ready to deal with Mongol’s problems with China in keeping up with the advantages they achieved from Treaty of Friendship in 1912. Embassy of England, France and Japan were informed about Treaty of Friendship between Russia and Mongol soon after it was signed in Khuree in 3rd November 1912. Foreign Affairs Minister Sazanov explained, “if he accepts the terms, he will have to make a negotiation with him in Mongolia, and will not be able to establish the throne in Mongolia “(Междунаподные отношения 1931: 229).

Although the Chinese considered the contracts and treaty of Friendship between Russia and Mongol in 1912 and other documents as illegimate and refused to acknowledge them, Russians were not giving up their stand. Therefore, a representative of Russian Empire met with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Republic of China in Beijing on behalf of Russian Government and introduced treaty signed between Russia and Mongol and other documents to them and reminded them Russia’s responsibilities in front of Mongol and demanded them to accept these documents. Russian consultant even visited the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China and lied Mongol’s embassador had already been sent to the capital city of Peterburg in November 1912. This action was their form of pressuring the China to accept the situation because russia did not want to lose the benefit of Mongolia.

Russian researcher Yu. Kuzmin remarked “Russia is relatively powerful compared with China and their economic aid and diplomatic support toward Mongol led to Mongolia’s independence.” (Кузмин 1997: 12)

Expert of Russia, China and Mongol, S.G.Luzyanin said in his article “Проблемы возрождения Монгольского государства и позиции России в 1911-1921 годах” that Mongol-Russia’s treaty of 1912 and China-Russian of 1913 could not determine the Mongol’s official status (Россия и Монголия 2001: 17-31)

In 1913, Russian Government fulfilled its duty from contract in 1913 made with China by enabling Mongolian government to be present in three countries’ negotiations. The main subject of this negotiation was to discuss Mongolia’s issues of sovereignty.

On his way to Petersburg, Sain Noyon khan Namnansuren learned that Treaty of Russia and China was ended and the two sides signed a declaration. The talk with Prime Minister began with the introduction of this treaty. The official from the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs introduced the treaty to Sain Noyon khan Namnansuren: Treaty of Russia and China is beneficial for your country, and Russia was trying to justify their position, for example, in international cases, the Balkans the state that part of the Tureg settled their situation same as this. In response to this, Namnansuren complimented on making the China “accept” Mongol’s independence and enabling the Mongolian possibility to participate in negotiation of three countires, however he critisized the Russia’s saying of some root parts of Mongolia was belonged to China and “not considering” Inner Mongolia and other follower ethnicities as part of the independence. Mongolian Prime Minister sent note to Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stating the decision of Mongolian government to fight for the full independence of Mongolia and the unification of all Mongols under Bogdo Khan’s monarchy during the three countries’ negotiation (Архив внешней политики Российской империи ф.Комиссия по изучению документов эпохи империализма д.381, л.120-121)1)

Kazakov, Officer in Foreign Affairs of Russia, mentioned that “England and Japan worries only to make your country complete.” When the Prime Minister of Mongolia heard of it, he said that “Russia is our “friendly nation” and since they helped us to “seperate Mongolia from China”, it is not Japan and England’s concern that “Mongolians protect their sovereignty and take over the complete land.” In his note to Khuree and Bogdo khan, Sain noyon khan Namnansuren said: “unitying the every Mongols and take the control back,.. and seperating from the China are all top priority but Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs and other ministers are always postponing the matter due to the agreemets.” (БНМАУ-ын түүх 1968: 500).

Russian and Chinese negotiation
The issue of Mongolia have been revived in Beijing in december 1912 during Chinese and Russian negotiation which Chinese Minister of Foreign Affair and Russian ambassador in Beijing participated. The negotiation had been discussed over a year because both sides were persuading their own agenda. The Chinea promised not to do thing about Russia’s advantage in trade and economy in Mongolia’s landscape and demanded Russia to cancel their treaty of 1912. The conditions Russians demanded was this: Acceptance of Treaty between Russia and Mongolia, Not to take over Mongolia, respect their the autonomity, forbid the nomadic or sedentary civilians out of Mongolian land and in return they promised to help persuade Mongolia to accept China’s suzerainty over Mongolia during three countries’ negotiation. Russians even had to leave sometimes since China was not accepting the con- ditions Russia presented. For example, Russian central Archive kept document about Rus- sia leaving the meeting in June 1913. (Госудапственый аpхив Поссийской Федепации Ф.Николай втопой, о.-1, д.-783, с. 3)

While both Russian and Chinese were persuading their own conditions to each other, Mongolian national revolution was expanding and strengthening. Thus China took the deal and accepted the conditions. On the 5th of November 1913, proclamation agreement between Republic of China and Russian Empire was signed. The document pointed out that if Mongolia did not accept the provisions of this bilateral agreement of two countries, Russia would put pressure on it. “Russia recognizes China’s suzerainty over Mongolia.” The third article of the declaration affirmed that both sides were obliged not to send military forces and settlers to Mongolia. The fourth article the declaration pointed out that “the relations between China and Russia, the agreements between Russia and Mongolia of October 21, 1912 and the necessities to negotiate issues of Outer Mongolia.

have been discussed.” In other words, China accepted to establish a relationship with Outer Mongolia on the basis of principles defined by the Protocol of Russo-Mongolian negotiations of 21 October of 1912 and the proposition of Russia to be an intermediary between the two sides.The fifth article stated that “all questions related to the interests of Russia and China, territories with overlapping power and other issues related to the current situation will be discussed and defined by the two sides.” That reflected the role of Russia.

The government of the Bogd Khan regarded the Russo-Chinese Declaration as illegal, and expressed his protest in a note that was sent to the Russian Consul on December 5, 1913.

At the end of 1913, Mongolian Prime Minister Sain Noyon Khan Namnansuren visited Tsarist Russia. During his visit, the Russian side informed him about the Russo-Chinese Declaration on the Mongolian question. Sain Noyon Khan and others categorically rejected this document. The Mongolian delegation sent a note to the Russian Foreign Ministry as well as to the embassies of China, Britain, the USA, Japan, Turkey and five other countries. It defined the Mongolian government’s position on the Russo-Chinese Declaration in the following words: “Mongolia is definitely separate from China; this is why we do not recognize any agreement which is signed without the consent of Mongolia. The questions related to the relationship between Mongolia and China must be decided by Mongolia itself,” but “Mongolia is willing to have a relationship of good neighborhood and friendship with China.” (Үндэсний төв аpхив. ф. а-2, д.-1, х.н.-14, 11-14 тал)

The Russians knew well this situation, and as a condition for granting loans and arms, they demanded the withdrawal of the Mongolian army from Inner Mongolia. They also told the Mongolians to participate in tripartite negotiations between Russia, China and Mongolia.

The Russian traveler Svechnikov, who travelled around and wrote about his three years of research in Mongolia at the beginning of the twentieth century, stated in his book that: “It is not dangerous to travel in Mongolia.” Przhevalsky, Potanin, and Kozlov also wrote about their time and Mongolia and it easy to see how impressed these famous people were with the country. Some distinguished figures who had informal relations with Mongolia, especially Ya.P.Shishmarev and D.D.Pokotilov, paid close attention to Mongolia’s development. However, without the support of the Russian government, their opinions had only a small impact.

Indeed, researchers from many countries, such as Russia, America, and Sweden, are well known because of their works about Mongolia. They traveled through Mongolia for many years and had reported on many geographic and historical findings. Russian researchers such as Przhevalsky, Kozlov, and Radlov, American researcher Roy Chapman Andrews and Swedish researcher Sven Hedin are only of few of the more well known travelers to Mongolia. As Swechnikof statd: “We hope that we can fulfill our important historical role in Mongolia” (Swechnikov 1912: 150). Through their publications of these early travelers, they certainly did.

At that time, Inner Mongolia’s struggle for national independence and the struggle for the unity of the Mongolian people continued to spread everywhere in the country. In the year 1911, the Inner Mongolian 35 out of 49 khoshuus announced its intention to follow Government of Bogd Khanate Mongolia (Сандаг 1971:119) Recent studies of Inner Mongolian scholar Urgudei Taubun shows 38 of the 49 khoshuuns from Inner Mongolia expressed their wish to follow the Government of Bogd Khanate Mongolia (Urgudei 2006: 318)

It was a result of the policies and activities which Mongolia’s Government headed by the Bogdo khaan pursued towards the Mongolian nationalities like the Inner Mongolians. The following was stated in the decree that the Bogdo khaan issued addressing the people of Inner Mongolia: “Our Mongolia should establish a unified state, protect our yellow faith and avoid suffering under others’ power and oppression. We should unite our forces and strive to protect ourselves. ... There is no other way for existence than independence ... I commend the expression in writing by the khoshuns of Inner Mongolia to join us with pleasure”. The decree was supplemented by a notification on 8 privileges and support to be provided to the Mongolian wangs and gungs of Inner Mongolia when they submit themselves to the Government of Mongolia. Those conditions include:

1. The titles and posts of the Mongolian wangs and gungs who have submitted themselves would be kept for them and their annual salaries would be increased and paid by the Government in Khuree.
2. Those who hold titles lower than wang and gung would be promoted by a rank and their annual salaries would be paid by the Government in Khuree.
3. In case the expenditures of a khoshun or its military expenditures are not fully covered, the Government in Khuree would cover then in due measure.
4. In case those khosuns introduce reforms the Government in Khuree would support them in a way it can.
5. The people of Inner Mongolia can serve in the Government in Khuree and enjoy same equal rights as the people in Outer Mongolia.
6. Customs and rents would be same as those in Outer Mongolia so that they would not be a heavy burden.
7. The Government in Khuree would be responsible for protecting the peace and tranquility in Inner Mongolia. In case the Republic of China oppresses her (Inner Mongolia), the Government would always send troops and protect her.
8. These articles would be valid from the day when the rule of the Government in Khuree is accepted

These policies and activities undertaken by the Bogdo Government to unite the forces of the Mongolian nationalities were attributed by Chinese scholars to the designs and schemes of Tsarist Russia. (Монгол үндэстэний  1995: 1985-1986)

Magsar the Witty wrote that the establishment of Outer Mongolia as an independent state was to unite all Mongolian tribes into a unified and powerful state. (2010: 8) On 29 December 1911 Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu was elevated as the Emperor of Mongolia and Mongolia was proclaimed an independent state. Since it was the realization of the common wish of all the Mongols, the Mongolian tribes welcomed this historic event and began to join the Mongolia of the Bogdo khaan. Magsar the Witty wrote in detail about this event and on the expansion of Mongolia’s frontiers after Mongolia proclaimed her independence and restored her statehood.

Since it was essential for Mongolia to expel the Manchu and Chinese commanders and officials in Uliastai to assert a full control over the entire territory, the chuulgan dargas and leading officials of Zasagt khan and Sain Noyon khan aimags discussed the issue of their expulsion and sent to them an ultimatum on behalf of the 86 khalkha khoshuns. Moreover the Bogdo Government appointed and sent gung Demjigwanjil and official Baldantseren to Uliastai to settle the affairs of the region. They had Chinese minister and officials - 45 people in total – and their troops disarmed and expelled from Mongolia. It was noted earlier that public utilities and facilities in Uliastai were nationalized and the Mongols took the government power in their hands. (Магсаржав 2010: 128)

In order to deport the prime minister of the Manchu of Ulan-Ude, leading the Ulan-Ude, the leaders of the two Governments of the two Governments of Zuunhaan and Gobi were consulted with the name of the 86 Khaan of the Khalkha, and the Bogdoan’s deep support of the Baldarianten appointed by the Chinese Commander-in-Chief of the People’s Republic of China to 45 people and seized the weapons of their nationality and removed them from the territory of Mongolia. It is said that officials in Uliassut were arrested and arrested by Mongol authorities (Magsarjav 2010: 128).

Bogdo’s Statement: “Mongolia is a state of affairs and government, and in many respects, all Mongolians are in a state of affection and solidarity. It is said that many of the Mongolian students who come to worship me in this mosque ... have now made the Bogd Jebtsundamba king, and that the religion is governed by the rule of the Mongols and the northern family, with the help of the State in a friendly manner. . The banner of the Bogdo culture following the decree: The 16th banner of the West, the 3 banners, the 7 banners of Uranchi, and the 3 banners. For example, in 1912, the chairman of all the Hemchig Urianhai Buyanbadrakh and the generals of the Great Ursinees, were conferredthe troops of Jalhanz khutagtu.

6 conferences of Inner Mongolia, Zushi, Gala, Shulkhuu, Khentii, Chinggis Khaan, the west and west of the Hohhots, Thousands of the Black River, Alashan Van, Dariganga, Tsar, the Left of the Hand and the Head of Tornet’s Aimag, and the Head of the Elders, expressed their appreciation for the independence of Mongolia, asked for the Emperor’s wish to help soldiers from the capital city and help free Inner Mongolia from Chinese rule.

35 of the 49 banners in the Inner Mongolia Bustards and 6 banners were officially registered in Mongolia. In addition, 24 Banners of Khukh Lake, Tsakh 8 banners and Il Tuvabbanaa were among 16 Banners. Therefore, the Bogd Khan has established a Special Territory to Punish East Lieutenant, and in July 1913 he appointed Minister of Justice, Tsetsen Khan, Eguzer Khutagt. He received the Perpetual Seal of the Perpetual Rule in 1912 by the Order of Bogda. The cases related to Inner Mongolia were transmitted through the Galapagasha area.

According to the incomplete estimates of Western, Border, Inner Mongol, and Khukh Lake, Mongolia has totaled 112 Mongol bogus ministers. (Magsarjav 2010: 129)

The fact is that, in fact, only the Inner Mongolian miners point out that in fact, the total number of Mongolian nuns who are counting on the Bogdo’s culture is about 120. (Magsarjav 2010: 129-130)

The tens of thousands of Mongolian papers presented on the yellow silk and bad paper presented to the Bogdo Government in the above mentioned documents have been preserved in the archives. For example, in the letter to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Mongolia on January 20, 1912, the Khishigt of the Zost chuulgan, said: “Our nationalist gentleman and officer were in the public domain, but the Chinese I was careful not to be afraid of the misery of the morning and evening, so I had a small Khishigt, I tried to make a horse like a dog, trying to keep the boy’s life, he said, “Let’s go ahead and try to force the idea of raising the power of the army,” he said.

Divaasambuu Garchid lama guai who descended from Khuuchid khoshun of western division of Inner Mongolia’s Shiliin Gol aimag, recollected on 3 December 2010: “The Bogdo was worshipped by every Mongolian. Every family had his picture in an iron frame. The Bogdo was cherished most. A lot of activities were taken to pray in the sand on the eve of the Lunar New Year’s Day. They prayed in the direction of northwest instead of southwest which was the case before. Because it was the direction where the Bogdo khaan was elevated and was residing. After Mongolia restored her statehood, the Bogdo instructed that it was proper for all the Mongolian nationalities to unite. The nobles of Inner Mongolia’s khoshuns declared that they would follow the Bogdo. But when representatives from Mongolia came next spring to register those who would submit themselves, many of those changed their mind because of Yuan Shikai’s offer of more salaries. Tserentojil wang was said to have said that he would follow the Bogdo and came to Mongolia with 80 families. There are the children of this Tserentojil. A stupa was erected for him in 2007”. According to Divaasambuu guai, khamba Luvsan Tuvden Jantsan lama of Khuuchid, who was a reincarnation, sought a meeting with and prayed before the Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutuktu khaan of independent Mongolia in 1914 and expressed his wish to submit himself to the rule of Mongolia. The Bogdo khaan granted his wish and promoted him in a rank, providing him with a silver seal worth of 50 lan mongu. The seal was engraved with a phrase: “Seal for governing the disciples of Khuuchid mergen khamba”. (Уулын 2006: 235)

Ulaantana, wrote: “Kharchin wang Gunsennorov of Inner Mongolia set up a ‘Unified Structure of Inner Mongolia” in early 1912. He encountered with Chinese troops in June when transporting weapons in accordance with an agreement and was defeated. This incident was sometimes referred to in Japan as the first independence movement for Manchu and Mongolia. (Улаантана 2009: 6)

A popular revolt took place everywhere in Inner Mongolia from August to December 1912. For one, Udai, Zasag of a southern khoshun of western Khorchin division of Jirem League and Raashminjuur, Zasag of a northern khoshun of western Khorchin division of Jirem League revolted in August. But they were defeated and fled to Khalkha. Afterwards a revolt took place in Zuu Ud League. Since those revolts had a connection with the Bogdo Government, Japan paid a particular attention to them. The reason was that Japan included Eastern Mongolia into the sphere of its influence according to its July 1912 agreement with Russia and followed closely the events in Inner Mongolia and the relations between the Bogdo Government and Inner Mongolia. (Redana 2009: 9)

Meanwhile everybody in Outer Mongolia, be it a noble or a lama or a layman, sincerely tried to make his contribution to the national liberation struggle. For one, Shagdar of Gobi mergen wang’s khoshun of the Tusheet khan aimak wrote in 1932 in his petition: “I was conferred with a title of gung for my selfless efforts to contribute to the great cause of making our Mongolian nation an independent state, in spite of the risks of cruel torture and death sentence being imposed by Chin state, through my involvement in smuggling, using my own 200 camels, 30 thousand Berdon rifles and 15 mln bullets from Ar Khyakta to Niislel Khuree and in activities such as securing camels and cattle during the process of establishment of Mongolia’s autonomous Government. I was conferred with a title of beis later on for my contribution of ten thousand lan mongu to the treasury of the new Government”. (Ичинноров 1990)

I believe, the above facts show clearly not only the situation of the Mongols a century ago but also the fame, reputation and treatment that the Bogdo khaan enjoyed. It was a part of the Mongols’ general history that the members of all Mongolian nationalities kneeled down and prayed for the promotion of Mongolia in the morning of every Lunar New Year’s Day in the direction of Khuree or the Bogdo’s Government which restored Mongolia’s independence, national freedom and statehood.

A number of governors of Inner Mongolian khoshuns, who submitted to the rule of the Bogdo khaan, served in his Government as vice ministers and officials.

A khoshun was created west of Khyakta for the people of over 100 families who were subjects of Sumya of Ar Il’s Tsakhar. They came, thus, under the authority of the Tusheet khan aimak. Salchig and Toj, two Uriankhais, were included, at their own wish, into the shabi of Jalkhanz khutukt of Zasagtkhan aimag. Kazakh Sukherbai, Khuangan, Khyubai and Khlan were conferred with a title of gung and were appointed to continue to govern those Kazakhs who accompanied them. The Ministry of Interior instructed the Administrative Office in Khovd to have those Kazakhs comfortably settled in a suitable area.

As a result, conditions were prepared for Mongolia to develop and prosper again. In a word, it is a historical fact to be noted that a sovereign Mongolia occupying a vast area from Khyangan mountains in the east and Altai mountains in the west was then developing. In other words, the geography of the Mongolia of that time could be considered to have been of broad and deep content.

It was noted in sources that when beis Khurelge, Head of the Left Division League of Khukh nuur, came, representing 24 zasags of Khukh nuur, and presented a petition sealed by heads of the Leagues of two divisions, requesting ‘for instructions on being covered by Bogdo’s culture and being always guided by his Faith in view of the difficult situation in their native land”, the 24 zasags were promoted in titles and 100 rifles of good quality and 30 thousand bullets were provided for protecting their land” (Магсаржав 2010: 130).

Jung wang Namdanchoinkhor and his son khukhud beil Lkhavaanraashig of Khukh nuur also came to Khuree to present a petition on their wish to be covered by Bogdo’s culture and pray before the Bogdo khaan.

The above mentioned khoshuns which wished to join Mongolia were all khoshuns belonging to the tribes of Mongolian origin. But the list of those who wished to be covered by the Bogdo’s culture was not limited by Mongols only. Magsar the Witty noted that Eguzur khutukt, Minister for settling the affairs of southeast frontier region submitted to the Government a petition of Lii Jun Yuan and Jankhaichin to submit themselves, along with peoples from Mukden, Jilin, Rehe (Jehol) and Khar morun provinces, to the rule of the Mongolian state. (Магсаржав 2010: 131)

The interesting thing is that they were not Chinese merchants who resided in Khuree but Chinese from khoshuns of China’s frontier region. It showed, perhaps, the fame and reputation of the Bogdo khaan and the peculiar situation of the independent Mongolia.

During the national independence revolution, Khuree came to the establishment of Mongolia’s state of affairs, and the Inner Mongolian princes who had served as Bogd Gegeen’s government returned to their homeland after the Treaty of Khyut after 1915-1916. This is a sign of the three countries’ contract and was the fulfillment of the operations taken by the Republic of China which obeyed “Note of Over-Punishment”. The Beijing government was interested in getting them back, helping them to return, and some of them were highly rewarded. For example, former Vice Minister of the Military Affairs of Bogd khan’s government wang Udai was given his all former ranks after return and he got appointed as an adviser to the Mongolian Tibetan Center in Beijing. And gung Khaisan consultant at Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bogdo khan’s government, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Raashminjuur and Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs programme manager/hero gung Tsend \ who translated ‘Secret History of Mongol’ from Chinese transcription version into Mongolian language \ also returned. With them alongside many Inner Mongolian people immigrated into Khalkha during Freedom Movement of Inner Mongolia returned to their homeland, but many of them stayed in Khalkha. For example, even though Republic of China’s president Yuan Shikai sent many documents to E.Togtoh promising his former title and his land, He said “never will I be deceived by them when I got my head on shoulder and I am not a bad man to work for China” and he died in Khuree when he was 59 years old in 1922. Some of the low ranking officers and the ordinary people were suspicious of what was happening. One of them was Donrov who was a zangi of Tsahar shulaan khokh and was promoted to gung title when he submitted into Bogdo khan’s government went on his road to return with 400 people of his subject but stopped before Zamyn Uud’s border and stayed there full of doubt for a while. Yuan Shikai started to worry about it and contacted the Bogdo Khaan’s government for information. There were many people in Mongolia who disliked the three treaties of Khyaga and one of them was the Bavuujav. (Гангааням 1993: 60-62)

The following is what was reported in the world press about the proclamation of the newly founded Mongolian state’s independence and the state great ceremony held on the occasion:

The 1 January 1912 issue of Kharbinskii vestnik newspaper published in Kharbin, Manchuria noted: “The ceremony of elevating Khutuktu to the throne was attended by many Mongolian secular and religious people and was held in an atmosphere of much festivity”.

Newspaper Rech of St. Petersburg, Russia wrote: “Today is a memorable day for Mongolia. The elevation of Khutuktu as Mongolia’s King marks an end of a period when Mongolia was dependent on the Manchu Ching state”. Newspaper St. Petersburg vedomosti wrote: “The Khutuktu of Khuree, head of the religion, has become an expresser of independence of his nation’s religion and state”.

Newspaper Novoe vremya of Russia reported in one of its issues: “A celebration is taking place everywhere in Mongolia. A ceremony of danshig offering was announced to take place in every corner of Mongolia on 16 December (29 December - O.B). Slaughtering of animals was forbidden. Court ministers and other officials were ordered to wear Mongolian national deel”.

Newspaper Russkoe zname wrote: The significance of Mongolia’s independence is great. Russia is the country most interested in this independence (of Mongolia — O.Bat- saikhan) for Mongolia is to be a buffer state between Russia and China. .. Now our armed forces should be sent to Mongolia. That would be the main guarantor of her independence”. (Russkoe zname, 16 Decabrya 1911 goda)

Newspaper ‘Times’ of Great Britain, January, 1912 noted when reporting about the event: “Mongolia’s rebirth anew or more specifically her revival has become a reality in Asia”. (BNMAU-yn tuuh 1968: 424)

‘L Asie Fransaise’ magazine of France wrote in its 1912 February issue: “The new China is now free from Manchu oppression. As soon as this news reached every corner of the country, Mongolia, Tibet, Turkestan have set off to free themselves from Chinese domination. . . If the new China is legitimate, it should not disregard the aspiration of those nations. . . . The leaders of Mongolia took into their hand the affairs of their country”. (Frants bolon (Collection of Documents in French and other Foreign Languages, relating to Mongolia’s History) 2006: 173) It added: “The lamas and khoshun princes encouraged by the lack of Chinese persecution, elevated on 29 December as their Emperor Khutuktu who resided in Khuree and had limited power. (Frants... 2006: 174)

An French Ambassador to Russia cited informed his Foreign Ministry of what the newspaper ‘Novoe Vremya’ had reported about the unfolding revolution in Mongolia, namely, of the following: “The severance of the bond that tied Mongolia to the Manchu Empire and her separation from the latter due to her national movement have to do with the revival and development of nationalistic ideas and the causes that led to a revolution in Chinese provinces”. He added: “It should be noted, Mongols are different from the Manchu and Chinese in terms of their language and customs”. (Frants... 2006: 174)

In his dispatch to his Foreign Minister Puankare, the French Ambassador to Japan clarified the position of the Japanese Government on Mongolian and Tibetan issues and noted: “The revolution in China is stimulating, as we guessed, movements for separatism and autonomy in Tibet and Mongolia, in other words, the external provinces belonging to China by its ties to the Manchu Empire” (Frants... 2006: 178). He added: “The latest step undertaken by the Government of Russia in Mongolia was calmly recieved and welcomed in Mongolia. It was noted there was an example for the Government of Japan to consider in its policies for spheres of influence”. (Frants... 2006: 178)

E.T.Williams of the United States noted: “This revolution provided the Mongols a golden opportunity”. (The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 10, No. 4. (Oct., 1916), p. 798-808) He wrote that on this 28th day of December 1911, Khutuktu was elevated to the throne and a great ceremony was held”.

A French Consul in Manchuria wrote in his dispatch to his Ambassador MAContido in Peking: “The Russian diplomatic activity towards Outer Mongolia seeks to make her an independent state so that this vast land can play the role of a buffer state”. (Frants... 2006: 179) He sited what General Martynov, Commander of the Russian troops in Manchu- ria, said: “We needed to occupy this country to protect Siberia”. (Frants... 2006: 179) The French newspaper ‘Matinee’ mentioned when informing of the issue of Mongolia: “Russia stated that it would join the four-power (the US, Britain, France and Germany) association on providing loan to China, if her special rights in Mongolia and Manchuria are recognized. (Frants... 2006: 179)

Having proclaimed her independence, Mongolia became one of the first independent nations born in early 20th century and her independence – a reality.

One Day in Mongolia: Autumn by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm  "Монголын нэг өдөр: Намар" 1905-1913 он. Даавуу, шороон будаг.  138 см x 177 см
One Day in Mongolia
Autumn by Marzan Sharav 1905-1913, Tempera on cotton 138 cm x 177 cm


The history of Modern Mongolia (1911-2017)

The History of Modern Mongolia (1911-2017)
Ulaanbaatar, Hard cover (Хатуу хавтастай) - 40.000 tugrug (төгрөг)

Prof. Batsaikhan Ookhnoi, Doctor of Historical Sciences
Phone: +976 11 362281 Fax: +976 11 322613
E-mail: bagi112005(at)

By Prof. Batsaikhan Ookhnoi, Doctor of Historical Science

Bogdo Khaan by Marzan Sharav
Bogdo Khaan by Marzan Sharav

Queen Dondogdulam by Marzan Sharav
Queen Dondogdulam by Marzan Sharav

cover picture of the first issue of the newspaper “Uria” July 19, 1921 "Уриа" сонины тэргүүн дугаарын нүүрийн чимэг зураг 1921-07-19
cover picture of the first issue of the newspaper “Uria” by Marzan Sharav
July 19, 1921

Mongolian Art